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The present study examines the reported achievements of 126 gifted and talented young women approximately 14 years after being identified by Project CHOICE staff. The examination is undertaken from an ipsative as well as a nomothetic perspective. The results indicate that (a) the educational and career attainment of these young women compare quite favorably both with other cohorts of gifted women and with criteria reflecting social expectation; (b) personal and relational accomplishments are identified almost as frequently as educational and career accomplishments as being their "greatest achievements"; and (c) a substantial number of these young women at age 29 have yet to achieve the educational, career, and lifestyle aspirations they identified in adolescence. Implications for counseling gifted young women are discussed.When examining the lives of gifted and talented women, the primary recurring theme of concern has been the degree to which gifted women have or have not realized their potential over the course of the lifespan. In their review of the current status of gifted women, Reis and Callahan (1989) conclude that &dquo;bright women are clearly adult underachievers&dquo; (p. 102). Despite interventions designed to decrease the negative impact of external and internal birriers to the realization of potential and research documenting the decline of gender differences among the general population in specific ability areas. the educational and career achievements of gifted women suggest substantial unrealized potential.Traditional theories of achievement behavior and career development have, for the most part, failed to provide adequate explanatory power for understanding the life choices of gifted women. Through the decade of the 80s, a number of reasons for this failure have been set forth. Spence and Helmreich (1983), observing that the study of achievement has traditionally been limited to academic and vocational attainments, argue for a broadened definition of achievement. According to Eccles (1986), the traditional definition of achievement is not only narrow but also stereotypically masculine. She further suggests a &dquo;choice rather than deficit perspective&dquo; (p. 15) when examining the achievement behavior of women. From this perspective, the question to be answered is not why women avoid succeeding in traditionally masculine arenas of academics and career but rather why they make the choices that they make.Traditional theories of career development are similarly limited in focusing on career pathways in isolation rather than in relationship to other life arenas. As early as 1966, Ginzberg noted the complexity of women's career paths. More recently, researchers focusing on women's career development have emphasized the need to consider the context of women's lives and recognize the interrelatedness of career decisions and choices related to the realities of other life spheres (Farmer, 1985; Tittle, 1983). Furthermore, this more comprehensive view must consider the sociopolitical context which d...

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The performance of 68 academically talented elementary school children on a battery of verbal and nonverbal creativity tests was correlated with performance on a paper and pencil test purporting to measure attitudinal rigidity. A moderate negative relationship (r = -.41) was found to exist between rigidity and verbal creativity only. Investigation of the relationship of chronological age, intelligence, and sex indicated that while neither sex nor intelligence were significant factors, chronological age appeared to be related to verbal creativity production. Refinement of the rigidity measure seems indicated as an administratively feasible technique for the rough screening of verbally creative children.