Our findings suggest that health variables are more important for psychological well being while social circumstances are more significant for satisfaction with life. There are important gender differences in the mediation of psychological well being as well as age differences in the variables associated with satisfaction with life.
This study examines retrospective reports of factors anticipated to impact first intercourse in a random sample of 897 Jamaican women, and contributes to our understanding of the relationship between sexual risk, knowledge, and economic and demographic correlates of first intercourse. A relationship between initiation of intercourse prior to the age of consent (16 years) and factors occurring at or around the time of first intercourse was found. Early initiators were more likely to have had less early family stability and to have experienced menarche at a younger age than late initiators. Although early initiators of intercourse were more likely to report lower socioeconomic status, less STD knowledge, and greater numbers of pregnancies, they were no more likely to report more sexual partners than women who engaged in first intercourse after the age of consent, and had a greater number of long-term relationships. Regardless of age of first intercourse, women need to be made aware of the risks of sexual contact so that they can make informed decisions about the consequences of sexual activity. Overall, results are consistent with work conducted in other parts of the Caribbean and America regarding the age at which young women engage in first intercourse. Findings suggest the need for further work exploring expectations at first intercourse such as marriage, economic support, or relationship stability. Implications of these findings are discussed within the context of economic and structural factors that both increase and decrease risks.
This paper is concerned with the possible impact of certain social arrangements and cultural orientations on food crop production, food availability, and consumption habits. Since it is by now fairly well known and increasingly documented that it is the small-farm population that has traditionally been responsible for the greatest portion of domestic food crop production and for very significant percentages of export crop production, my attention will be concentrated on what might be called the small-farmer subculture: the extent to which it has been shaped by the fact of its evolution out of, and reaction to, the plantation economy, and, in turn, the extent to which it provides a framework for understanding the behaviour of the small producer. It should be noted that the word "peasantry" is not used here. This is quite deliberate, as it is a term that, in spite of its eighteenth-and nineteenth-century associations, has too often been used indiscriminately to describe a wide variety of small-farmer behaviour, ranging from that of tribal agriculturalists in Africa, of remote corporate Indian communities in Latin American highlands, and of Asian small-farmers to that of the highly individualized family farm in pre-industrial Europe. The debate in the literature concerning what and who is a peasant has been long and involved and need not be discussed here. To be sure, there are certain common features shared by all small-scale tillers of the soil, many of whom utilize simple technologies and all of whom exist in a dependent and assymetrical relationship with centres of economic and political power outside their communities. However, there is one thing that sharply distinguishes Caribbean small farm society: as a set of social and economic relationships, the Caribbean smallfarm society came after and emerged from another mode of production, the plantation, which was industrial in
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