Proactive, that is, unsolicited, prosociality is a key component of our hyper-cooperation, which in turn has enabled the emergence of various uniquely human traits, including complex cognition, morality and cumulative culture and technology. However, the evolutionary foundation of the human prosocial sentiment remains poorly understood, largely because primate data from numerous, often incommensurable testing paradigms do not provide an adequate basis for formal tests of the various functional hypotheses. We therefore present the results of standardized prosociality experiments in 24 groups of 15 primate species, including humans. Extensive allomaternal care is by far the best predictor of interspecific variation in proactive prosociality. Proactive prosocial motivations therefore systematically arise whenever selection favours the evolution of cooperative breeding. Because the human data fit this general primate pattern, the adoption of cooperative breeding by our hominin ancestors also provides the most parsimonious explanation for the origin of human hyper-cooperation.
Experiments have shown that captive great apes are capable of observational learning, and patterns of cultural variation among populations suggest that they use this capacity in the wild. So far, the contexts and extent of observational forms of social learning in the wild remain unclear. Social learning is expected to be most pronounced during the skill acquisition of immature individuals. We therefore examined peering (attentive close range watching) by immatures in two populations of wild orangutans (Pongo spp.). A total of 1537 peering events collected during 2571 observation hours were analysed. We found, first, that peering was most frequent in contexts where learning is expected, namely feeding and nest building. Second, peering in the feeding context was significantly positively correlated with complexity of food processing and negatively with an item's frequency in the mother's diet. Food peering was also followed by significantly increased rates of exploratory behaviours targeting the same food items, indicating that it leads to selective practice. Food peering also decreased with age and increasing feeding competence of the immatures. Third, the age of peak peering in the nesting context coincided with the onset of nest-practice behaviour, and peering events were followed by significantly increased rates of nest-practice behaviour. Fourth, the proportion of peering directed at other individuals rather than the mother increased with age. These findings are consistent with the prediction that immature orang-utans learn by observing others in a variety of contexts and that peering is followed by selective practice of the observed behaviour. We conclude that observational social learning in combination with socially induced practice over a period of several years is a critical component of the acquisition of learned subsistence skills in orang-utans.
BackgroundOrangutans have one of the slowest-paced life histories of all mammals. Whereas life-history theory suggests that the time to reach adulthood is constrained by the time needed to reach adult body size, the needing-to-learn hypothesis instead suggests that it is limited by the time needed to acquire adult-level skills.To test between these two hypotheses, we compared the development of foraging skills and growth trajectories of immature wild orangutans in two populations: at Tuanan (Pongo pygmaeus wurmbii), Borneo, and Suaq Balimbing (Pongo abelii), Sumatra. We collected behavioral data on diet repertoire, feeding rates and ranging competence during focal follows, and estimated growth through non-invasive laser photogrammetry.ResultsWe found that adult-like diet repertoires are attained around the age of weaning and that female immatures increase their repertoire size faster than their male peers. Adult-level feeding rates of easy techniques are reached just after weaning, but several years later for more difficult techniques, albeit always before adulthood (i.e. age at first reproduction). Independent immatures had faster feeding rates for easy to process items than their mothers, with male immatures achieving faster feeding rates earlier in development relative to females. Sumatran immatures reach adult-level feeding rates 2–3 years later than their Bornean peers, in line with their higher dietary complexity and later weaning. The range-use competence of independently ranging and weaned immatures is similar to that of adult females. Body size measurements showed, immatures grow until female age of first reproduction.ConclusionsIn conclusion, unlike in humans, orangutan foraging skills are in place prior to reproduction. Growth trajectories suggest that energetic constraints, rather than skills, best explain the length of immaturity. However, skill competence for dietary independence is reached later where the adult niche is more complex, which is consistent with the relatively later weaning age with increasing brain size found generally in primates, and apes in particular.Electronic supplementary materialThe online version of this article (doi:10.1186/s12983-016-0178-5) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.
BackgroundSeveral studies suggested great ape cultures, arguing that human cumulative culture presumably evolved from such a foundation. These focused on conspicuous behaviours, and showed rich geographic variation, which could not be attributed to known ecological or genetic differences. Although geographic variation within call types (accents) has previously been reported for orang-utans and other primate species, we examine geographic variation in the presence/absence of discrete call types (dialects). Because orang-utans have been shown to have geographic variation that is not completely explicable by genetic or ecological factors we hypothesized that this will be similar in the call domain and predict that discrete call type variation between populations will be found.Methodology/Principal FindingsWe examined long-term behavioural data from five orang-utan populations and collected fecal samples for genetic analyses. We show that there is geographic variation in the presence of discrete types of calls. In exactly the same behavioural context (nest building and infant retrieval), individuals in different wild populations customarily emit either qualitatively different calls or calls in some but not in others. By comparing patterns in call-type and genetic similarity, we suggest that the observed variation is not likely to be explained by genetic or ecological differences.Conclusion/SignificanceThese results are consistent with the potential presence of ‘call cultures’ and suggest that wild orang-utans possess the ability to invent arbitrary calls, which spread through social learning. These findings differ substantially from those that have been reported for primates before. First, the results reported here are on dialect and not on accent. Second, this study presents cases of production learning whereas most primate studies on vocal learning were cases of contextual learning. We conclude with speculating on how these findings might assist in bridging the gap between vocal communication in non-human primates and human speech.
Abstract“Complex technology” has often been considered a hallmark of human evolution. However, recent findings show that wild monkeys are also capable of habitual tool use. Here we suggest that terrestriality may have been of crucial importance for the innovation, acquisition, and maintenance of “complex” technological skills in primates. Here we define complex technological skills as tool‐use variants that include at least two tool elements (for example, hammer and anvil), flexibility in manufacture or use (that is, tool properties are adjusted to the task at hand), and that skills are acquired in part by social learning. Four lines of evidence provide support for the terrestriality effect. First, the only monkey populations exhibiting habitual tool use seem to be particularly terrestrial. Second, semi‐terrestrial chimpanzees have more complex tool variants in their repertoire than does their arboreal Asian relative, the orangutan. Third, tool variants of chimpanzees used in a terrestrial setting tend to be more complex than those used exclusively in arboreal contexts. Fourth, the higher frequency in tool use among captive versus wild primates of the same species may be attributed in part to a terrestriality effect. We conclude that whereas extractive foraging, intelligence, and social tolerance are necessary for the emergence of habitual tool use, terrestriality seems to be crucial for acquiring and maintaining complex tool variants, particularly expressions of cumulative technology, within a population. Hence, comparative evidence among primates supports the hypothesis that the terrestriality premium may have been a major pacemaker of hominin technological evolution. © 2012 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
Many species use tools, but the mechanisms underpinning the behaviour differ between species and even among individuals within species, depending on the variants performed. When considering tool use ‘as adaptation’, an important first step is to understand the contribution made by fixed phenotypes as compared to flexible mechanisms, for instance learning. Social learning of tool use is sometimes inferred based on variation between populations of the same species but this approach is questionable. Specifically, alternative explanations cannot be ruled out because population differences are also driven by genetic and/or environmental factors. To better understand the mechanisms underlying routine but non-universal (i.e. habitual) tool use, we suggest focusing on the ontogeny of tool use and individual variation within populations. For example, if tool-using competence emerges late during ontogeny and improves with practice or varies with exposure to social cues, then a role for learning can be inferred. Experimental studies help identify the cognitive and developmental mechanisms used when tools are used to solve problems. The mechanisms underlying the route to tool-use acquisition have important consequences for our understanding of the accumulation in technological skill complexity over the life course of an individual, across generations and over evolutionary time.
It has been hypothesized that opportunities for social learning affect the size and complexity of the adult skill set of birds and mammals, their learning ability, and thus ultimately also their innovation frequency. To test these predictions we compared rates of social learning, rates of independent exploration (independent learning) and innovation repertoires between individuals of a highly sociable population of Pongo abelii at Suaq Balimbing and a less sociable population of Pongo pygmaeus wurmbii at Tuanan. Suaq immatures showed significantly higher rates of peering, even after controlling for differences in association time and diet complexity, implying that they make disproportionally greater use of their increased opportunities for social learning. As predicted, we found that immatures and adults at Suaq also showed significantly higher rates of exploratory behaviour. The difference between the individuals of the two popuations remained when controlling for association time, suggesting persistent developmental effects, intrinsic differences, or both. Accordingly, Suaq animals had a larger set of learned skills and a higher mean dietary complexity. Our findings show that population level sociability, individual rates of exploration and population-wide repertoires of innovations are positively linked, as predicted.Cultural effects on cognitive development in humans have been documented for a long time and have reached the status of common knowledge: social inputs during childhood have a strong effect on the development of the cognitive skill set 1 . Studies on institutionalized children have shown that children raised with limited social inputs show deficits in a variety of domains, including language, social-emotional development and intelligence 2,3 . These effects are also evident in structural and functional changes in the brain 4,5 . Recent studies have shown that later cognitive performance is also affected by more subtle differences in the frequency and quality of social inputs during critical periods of early childhood 6 : increased social interactions during day care 7 , a higher degree and consistency of parents' responsiveness during early childhood 8,9 and early education and care programs 10 were all found to have significant positive effects on cognitive development and later cognitive abilities in various domains including problem solving, inhibitory control, memory and language.Experiments on a variety of nonhuman species suggest that similar processes might also be at work in other animals, suggesting some degree of evolutionary continuity. On the one hand, extreme social deprivation during development has been shown to lead to smaller adult skill sets and reduced learning abilities in several mammal taxa [11][12][13][14] . At the other extreme, enculturation (treating infants as if they were human babies) is known to lead to a more rapid development of a broader set of skills as well as increased learning ability in primates, in particular apes 15,16 . Thus, as in humans, social inputs du...
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