Family help provision for adults diagnosed with co-occurring severe mental illness and substance dependence is understudied. This article draws on verbally-administered structured and semi-structured interviews with one group of 122 behavioral health care clients and one group of 54 client-nominated family members. In New Mexico, USA these were collected as part of a larger, long-term study. We examine the latter’s concerns and fears, relative desire to be involved with treatment, and difficulties connecting with professionals, as well as forms of assistance they gave to clients and intra-family communication. We found that family members’ actions and communications often support client recovery through resource provision and other, intangible forms of help. However, their misunderstandings of and lack of knowledge about client experiences can also impede recovery. We also compare the two groups of interviewees’ perspectives on assistance given to clients by family members. We give examples of family attempts to deliver help and their consequences. Last, we offer suggestions for providers and policymakers to better help family members achieve their goal of caring for clients in recovery.

This article examines an incident between male student athletes within a locker room at a private school. The reaction of many in this school community to this incident reveals that "hazing" rituals were normally ignored or condoned by many of the parents, coaches, administrators, and teachers who were aware of them. These attitudes changed when the incident was formally brought to the attention of the larger, public audience of the community. We analyze conflicting framings of this incident, exploring how a "joke" in the private space of the locker room became a case of "sexual harassment" in the public arena of the school, and how subsequent conflicts emerged and were resolved. We examine the reasons why different individuals and constituencies had different ways of framing the event, and how this incident can be framed as "hazing," "joking," or a liminoid rite of initiation into an affluent high school's football team. [high school sports, harassment, masculinity, ritual hazing, rite of initiation] Schools are sites in which social and local values and beliefs are transmitted and reinforced to prepare members of the "younger generation" for their eventual adult roles. An explicit goal of most schools is to educate students in ways that foster positive, constructive social interactions. Conversely, schools can also be sites in which more negatively valued social values and modes of behavior are taught, such as sexism, racism, homophobia, and hazing. Within a school milieu, male athlete locker rooms are often locations for ritual and other performances in which these latter messages and modes of behavior are transmitted and constructed. These rooms serve as private arenas for male athletes, locations wherein they are directly and indirectly taught lessons concerning masculinity (Curry 1998(Curry , 2001 Jimerson 2001), as well as lessons that reinforce systems of domination.In this article, we examine a specific "locker room incident" that took place in an affluent private school's football team locker room. One of the authors of this article, Howard, spent six years studying cultural reproduction in the schooling of affluent high school youth. During this time, an incident in the Bredvik High School (pseudonym, as are all names in this article) football team's locker room resulted in the expulsion of the first-string quarterback on charges of sexually harassing a newcomer to the team. Backlash against the student who brought the complaint eventually led this student to leave the school, allowing the quarterback to return and, simultaneously, reinforcing the institutionalized practice of hazing. In general, the Bredvik school community (parents, teachers, coaches, and students) condoned or ignored 347

Suicide is among the 10 leading causes of death in the US and has the potential to suddenly change many lives. It often occurs when people are disproportionately affected by societal conditions, including inequities, discrimination, oppression, and historical trauma. We posit that a social justice framework can improve suicide prevention efforts when incorporated into existing strategies because it mandates that inequities be addressed. It does so through education, engagement, advocacy, and action, and can be especially effective in states and nations with high suicide rates and entrenched societal inequities.

In this article we analyze qualitative data from a multiple methods, longitudinal study drawn from 15-year follow-up interviews with a subsample of 82 individuals arrested for driving while intoxicated in a southwestern state (1989)(1990)(1991)(1992)(1993)(1994)(1995). We explore reactions to the arrest and courtmandated sanctions, including legal punishments, mandated interventions, and/or participation in programs aimed at reducing recidivism. Key findings include experiencing certain negative emotional reactions to the arrest, reactions to being jailed, experiencing other court-related sanctions as deterring driving while intoxicated behavior, and generally negative opinions regarding court-mandated interventions. We discuss interviewees' complex perspectives on treatment and program participation and their effects on lessening recidivism, and we offer suggestions for reducing recidivism based on our findings.