Agroecology is considered with different focus and weight in different parts of the world as a social and political movement, as science, and as practice. Despite its multitude of definitions, agroecology has begun in Europe to develop in different regional, national and continental networks of researchers, practitioners, advocates and movements. However, there is a lack of a comprehensive overview about these different developments and networks. Therefore, this paper attempts to document and provide a mapping of the development of European agroecology in its diverse forms. Through a literature review, interviews, active conference participation, and an extensive internet search we have collected information about the current state and development of agroecology in Europe. Agroecological research and higher education exist more in western and northern Europe, but farm schools and farmer-to-farmer training are also present in other regions. Today a large variety of topics are studied at research institutions. There is an increasing number of bottom-up agroecological initiatives and national or continental networks and movements. Important movements are around food sovereignty, access to land and seeds. Except for France, there are very few concrete policies for agroecology in Europe. Agroecology is increasingly linked to different fields of agri-food systems. This includes Community Supported Agriculture systems, but also agroecological territories, and some examples of labelling products. To amplify agroecology in Europe in the coming years, policy development will be crucial and proponents of agroecology must join forces and work hand-in-hand with the many stakeholders engaged in initiatives to develop more sustainable agriculture and food systems.Since the term 'agroecology' was first used in 1928 [1], its meaning has evolved and expanded, keeping pace as institutional understanding of agriculture has become more and more sophisticated [2]. Though initially a purely scientific discipline, agroecology has also come to mean a set of more ecologically sound agricultural practices and also a movement that incorporates food sovereignty, social justice, and the preservation of indigenous knowledge.The term 'agroecology' can also take different meanings in different parts of the world [2], and even within Europe, different countries have their own meaning of 'agroecology' according to their own national contexts. For example, in Germany, agroecology stays mainly true to its pure scientific roots and largely operates within the realms of plant sciences, ecology and zoology, while in Italy it is much closer connected to the organic farming movement [3]. In France, there exists a substantial representation from both the practice and science sides of agroecology, though the movement is present as well. Historically throughout Europe, there has been a pattern of science and practitioners largely operating within their own realms [4], and more recently social movements in agroecology have developed as well, e.g., the Europe...
Location-specific forms of agroforestry management can reduce problems in the forest–water–people nexus, by balancing upstream and downstream interests, but social and ecological finetuning is needed. New ways of achieving shared understanding of the underlying ecological and social-ecological relations is needed to adapt and contextualize generic solutions. Addressing these challenges between thirteen cases of tropical agroforestry scenario development across three continents requires exploration of generic aspects of issues, knowledge and participative approaches. Participative projects with local stakeholders increasingly use ‘serious gaming’. Although helpful, serious games so far (1) appear to be ad hoc, case dependent, with poorly defined extrapolation domains, (2) require heavy research investment, (3) have untested cultural limitations and (4) lack clarity on where and how they can be used in policy making. We classify the main forest–water–people nexus issues and the types of land-use solutions that shape local discourses and that are to be brought to life in the games. Four ‘prototype’ games will be further used to test hypotheses about the four problems identified constraining game use. The resulting generic forest–water–people games will be the outcome of the project “Scenario evaluation for sustainable agroforestry management through forest-water-people games” (SESAM), for which this article provides a preview.
Over the past decades, the general trend towards shade reduction and intensification of cacao management has led to biodiversity losses. In the Peruvian Amazon, the regional government is heavily promoting crop conversion to shift from regionally marketed foods towards cacao (Theobroma cacao) and copoazu (Theobroma grandiflorum). While this shift is already visibly impacting the farming landscape and the lives of many smallholder farmers, little is known about the reasons that drive farmers to choose certain types of Theobroma species or cacao varieties over others. In this paper, we addressed how cacao farmers perceive and manage specific and varietal Theobroma diversity. We interviewed cacao farmers (n = 20) during a seed-exchange fair and adapted a version of the four-square analysis to explore which Theobromas are currently adopted by farmers and why. The native cacao variety (cacao chuncho) was the one cultivated by most farmers, followed by the more industrial clonal varieties. The source of seeds and seedlings for the most cultivated varieties was a mix of donations by public institutions (for clonal varieties) and informal exchange among farmers (mainly for native and criollo varieties, and species i.e. macambo (Theobroma bicolor) and cacauillo (Theobroma speciosum)). The cacao varieties incentivized by public institutions were the least desired for future investment. The motivations for farmers to plant Theobromas was mainly based on the perceived current and potential market, but their desire to invest in a given species or variety was also based on pest resistance, traditional use, farm diversification and taste. Copoazu and CCN cacao varieties are produced by many households in large areas, while macambo, cacauillo and the cacao varieties TSH and porcelana are produced by few households in small areas. Our study suggests that agroforestry systems that include alternative Theobroma species are multi-strata and more diverse than cacao-based systems. It highlights the risks of agrobiodiversity loss associated with the promotion of industrial cacao varieties, and the importance of seed and seedling access for the development of diverse farming systems. We recommend the expansion of local seed-sharing networks and the extension of public cacao-donation campaigns to neglected and underutilized Theobromas with socio-economic and environmental benefits, in order to make the local farming systems more diverse and resilient.
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