A contemporary Asia-wide concern is the common fear that modernization or urbanization, migration, the demographic transition, new lifestyle aspirations and the spread of Western values have emphasized individual rather than collective familial interests and thus eroded filial obligations. This paper, based on ethnographic studies across East, South-East and South Asia, suggests that far from being eroded, the generations have taken new steps to invest in the intergenerational contract, which has been renegotiated and reinterpreted by both generations in support of a robust and reciprocated cycle of care. The paper concludes that this is a pragmatic, necessary and far-sighted response to the development strategies and social policies supported by Asian states. It can be argued that, in Asian societies, it is the familial contract and familial exclusion rather than a social contract and social exclusion that are more pertinent to individual well-being, and that intergenerational resource flows significantly subsidize contemporary Asian development strategies.
The acceleration of economic reform in the early and late 1990s has highlighted repeatedly the importance of social welfare for maintaining economic growth, social stability and political authority. Indeed each of these decade-long goals of China's government can be seen to rest on either establishing or maintaining an accessible social welfare package. Economic growth requires further enterprise reform which in turn requires alternative forms and funding of worker social welfare. Sporadic reports of urban unrest resulting from lay-offs and loss of welfare benefits and of rural discontent resulting from the continued absence of welfare benefits suggests that social stability and political authority are dependent on the government's ability to reform social welfare provisioning. Simultaneously the process of economic reform itself has altered urban and rural socio-economic and political environments and had far-reaching consequences for welfare demand, service supply and notions of security.
Retrouvez Feminism and Socialism in China et des millions de livres en stock sur Amazon.fr. Achetez neuf ou d'occasion. Feminism and Socialism in China. By Elisabeth Croll.-Cambridge Barlow is interested in feminism literature, gender history. can be found in her book Feminism and Socialism in China, which is popularly cited by scholars. Feminism and Socialism in China Paperback-Taylor & Francis ?Print book. English. 1978. London etc.: Routledge & Kegan Paul. 2. Feminism and socialism in China, 2. Feminism and socialism in China by Elisabeth J Croll. Feminism and Socialism in China on ResearchGate, the professional network for scientists. Formats and Editions of Feminism and socialism in China. WorldCat Feminism and Socialism in China Routledge Revivals Elisabeth Croll on Amazon.com. *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. First published in 1978, "Women's Question" in Modern China: A 114. The China Quarterly on prices, decentralization, sectoral priority and other issues was and is in this book very limited in scope untouched were politically Feminism and Socialism in China:
of the Ministry of Agriculture for help with field investigations, data analysis and translation. They also gratefully acknowledge the support of the Food and Agricultural Organisation for commissioning this study. 1. The three macro-studies were conducted by the Research Team on Rural Population Mobility of the China Population Information and Research Centre and Chen Jiyuan, Hu Biliang and Yu Dechang of the Rural Development Institute of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. On the basis of numerous nationwide surveys and studies these papers concluded that the number of rural migrants has reached some 120 million or so persons, which suggests that more than 15% of the total rural labour force in China have left their villages of origin for either short or long-term relocation and that the numbers of migrants are increasing and staying for longer periods away from their villages. Migration largely involves the relocation of village populations from rural to urban locations although a small proportion (10-20% or so) are estimated to move from rural to rural locations. Some 90% of movement has been from agricultural to non-agricultural occupations with the non-agricultural population reported to have increased by 108.38 million between 1979 to 1993. Some 80-90% of the movement has been from rural to urban destinations, roughly divided between large cities (30%), medium sized and small cities (40%) and townships (20%). A high proportion of the movement has been from the underdeveloped northwest , southwest and central provinces to the more economically developed south and eastern coastal regions. The surveys suggest that most of
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