This article takes as a starting point the segregation of urban areas and discusses schooling in the neighbourhoods typically associated with problems and challenges, in order to explore young people's responses to their schooling and social positions. Such responses include individual acts, such as rejecting further schooling or dismissing the local school in favour of prestigious ones, as well as the development of shared understandings and collective formations. The article focuses in particular on young people's responses through aesthetic practices, informal education and public political actions. Although research suggests that youths in poor areas are increasingly individualised and shows that schools provide them with little help to understand and act upon their circumstances in school, the analyses here also bring to light young people's rather strong belief in collective actions; students' formations of resistance groups and political knowledge appear as crucial resources, and, although scarce, teacher support and teaching about political actions appear as important.Urban education, as a field of research, revolves around contrasts: on one side, the urban associations with poverty, marginalisation and problems, and on the other, the links to opportunities, high culture and capital. This urban-urbane problem also takes the form of physical segregation as people with low income/education and immigrant backgrounds are grouped together in certain areas whereas those with more capital dwell elsewhere. Young people in these respective areas face different conditions for schooling as well as, more generally, for living. This article focus on the young people in marginalised areas, typically associated with problems and challenges, in order to explore their responses to schooling and their social positions.
This article provides an overview and analysis of the relationship between gender, educational policy, and governance in Scotland and Sweden and the two countries' response to European Union and global legislative and policy change. In Scotland, gender is mainly invisible in recent policies on inclusion, achievement beyond academic attainment, and the idealisation of the child. Gender is thus marginalised within a range of factors contributing to social in/ equality. In Sweden, in contrast, gender has higher visibility in policy and governance as both an indicator of democracy and a means of preserving social democratic consensus and prosperity. However, recently its privileged position has come under attack. We draw on social capital, gender, and policy theory to analyse the range of influences on gender and educational governance in the two countries including that of the social capital of organised feminism.
IntroductionThis paper explores the effects of recent shifts in the relationship between gender and educational governance in Scotland and Sweden, both small countries on the periphery of Europe. We explore, in particular, the extent to which gender is used as symbolic and social capital in each country and the impact of recent shifts in forms of governance and educational policies and practices. We draw on the work of social capital theorists such as Bourdieu, Putnam and Coleman as well as researchers of gender (Stromquist and Walby) and educational governance (Lindblad, Ozga and Zambeta).
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