Narcissism, a personality trait characterized by entitlement and conceit, is increasingly prevalent in society. Two subtypes of narcissism exist: grandiose narcissism (characterized by arrogance and dominance) and vulnerable narcissism (characterized by social insecurity and overreliance on others' feedback). We posit that both narcissistic subtypes will engage in ostentatious, showy purchases, that is, conspicuous consumption. Since the two subtypes differ so profoundly in their self-esteem regulation strategies, we further posit that their motivations to consume conspicuously may vary. Specifically, we hypothesize that grandiose narcissists' conspicuous consumption will be driven by their need-foruniqueness, whilst that of vulnerable narcissists by their need to avoid social disapproval.We test our hypotheses using data obtained from 382 participants. Our results support our expectations that both narcissism subtypes predict conspicuous consumption and that the relationship between grandiose narcissism and conspicuous consumption is mediated by their need-for-uniqueness. Meanwhile, we find that approval-seeking (AS) is only a marginally significant mediator of vulnerable narcissism and conspicuous consumption in females. We discuss theoretical and managerial implications.
These findings are in line with the 'affect regulation' hypothesis for UP disorder and deliberate self-harm. This may help in understanding the mode of action of CBT in BP disorder and to further improve the therapy, primarily through the promotion of affective regulation, which is one component of the complex CBT intervention for BP disorder.
We tell the story of our experience of memory-work research. We were enthused to work collectively on a 'discovery' project to explore a method we were unfamiliar with. We hoped to build working relationships based on mutual respect and the desire to focus on methodology and its place in our psychological understanding. The empirical activities highlighted methodological and experiential challenges which tested our adherence to the social constructionist premise of Haug's original description of memory-work. Combined with practical difficulties of living across Europe writing and analysing the memories became contentious. We found ourselves having to address a number of tensions emanating from the work and our approach to it. We discuss some of these tensions alongside examples that illustrate the research process and the ways we negotiated the collective nature of the memory-work approach.
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