Representative national surveys of Arab and Jewish populations and leaderships in Israel within the pre-1967 borders conducted in 1980 make it possible for the first time to examine in detail Arab-Jewish differences in attitudes toward the Israeli-Arab conflict. It was confirmed that Israel's Arabs as a whole reject the Israeli national consensus of opposing the Palestinians as a nation, withdrawal to the pre-1967 borders, recognition of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) as representative of the Palestinians, formation of a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, repeal of the annexation of East Jerusalem, and the right to repatriation of the Palestinian refugees. They equally object to the Rejection Front ideology which calls for the replacement of Israel by a democratic-secular state in all Palestine. They subscribe instead to the world operative consensus on these issues. In addition to the dissidence that the conflict engenders in Arabs, it reinforces their unequal status in Israeli society. On the other hand, the Arab minority has not as yet been a party to the Israeli-Arab conflict either as a fifth column, a bridge to peace, or a pressure group. The implications for peacemaking in the region are discussed.
Chapter I INTRODUCTION 1. The story of Rula 2. Palestinian refugees and international law 3. Historical background 3.1 The origins of the conflict over Palestine 3.2 The exodus of refugees from Palestine 3.3 The Israeli decision not to allow the refugees to return 3.4 Subsequent displacements of Palestinians, including 1948-refugees 4. The number of Palestinian refugees and their geographical distribution 5. The United Nations and Palestinian refugees 5.1 United Nations Mediator for Palestine 5.2 United Nations Relief for Palestine Refugees (UNRPR) 24 5.3 United Nations Conciliation Commission for Palestine (UNCCP) 5.4 United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) 6. The 'Madrid' peace process and its relevance for Palestinian refugees 34 6.1 The bilateral negotiations 6.2 The multilateral negotiations 7. Scope of the study 41 7.1 General delimitations and terminology 41 7.2 Note on research methods and sources 7.3 Research questions and outline of the study PART ONE: REFUGEE LAW Chapter Π PALESTINIAN REFUGEES 1. General remarks on the notion of 'Palestinian refugee ' 2. Palestinian refugees as distinguished from other refugees 2.1 Ad Hoc Committee on Statelessness and Related ProblemsXIV that has judged the final manuscript. I am also indebted to the second member of the committee, Professor Willem van Genügten. I am grateful to Professor Guy Goodwin-Gill for publishing an article that formed the basis for chapter VIII of the thesis in the International Journal of Refugee Law, for inviting me to present a paper on Palestinian refugees at the Colloquium organized by the Journal on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the 1951 Convention on the Status of Refugees, and, last but not least, for introducing me to Oxford University Press which will publish the book.The study would not have been possible without the support I received from UNHCR and I am particularly grateful to Michel Moussalli for inviting me to spend two weeks at headquarters in Geneva in order to collect data, and for facilitating the gathering of information from branch offices in Europe and North America. Others within the organization who generously assisted my research in-
Binationalism as a possible solution to the bitter conflict between Arab and Jewish nationalisms in Palestine is not a novel conception. Thirty and even forty years ago there were Zionists such as Dr. Judah Magnes' and leaders of the Ha-Shoraer ha-Zair movement who conceived of binationalism as a middle way toward resolution of the conflict. However, neither Palestine Arab nationalists nor most Zionist leaders found such proposals meritorious. By the end of World War II when the Biltmore program 3 calling for a Jewish Commonwealth in Palestine had become accepted Zionist policy, and establishment of the country as an independent Arab state was the generally proclaimed goal of Palestine's Arab leaders, 4 a binationalist compromise seemed even more remote. Extermination of ninety per cent of Europe's Jews, and intensification of Arab nationalism deepened the rift between the two groups of peoples. Zionists, with the support of most organized world Jewry, by and large declared willingness to accept less than all of Palestine rather than surrender to a shared sovereignty. They preferred a smaller but exclusive Jewish state in part of the disputed area to a diluted control within a larger region. Without complete sovereignty, they believed, it would be impossible to achieve their total national
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