This paper investigates the diplomacy of the city of Rome in Royal and Early Republican periods fragmentation. It is known that the diplomatic authorities of Ancient Rome had a legal basis, fixed in Roman law. The oldest legal norms are preserved in the quotations and paraphrases of the Roman writers, lawyers and antiquaries (Cicero, Livy, Varro, Fest and others), who lived at a later time. Based on their data it is possible to reconstruct the field of public law governing the powers of fetials and ambassadors, ius gentium in the period VII-III centuries BC. In addition, they provide an opportunity to recreate some aspects of international relations in the region (relations with the Latin League, Etruscans, Volsci, Aequi and other Italian peoples) and diplomatic activities of Ancient Rome (diplomatic rituals-the Declaration of war, conclusion of peace Treaty; the position of ambassadors, diplomatic activities of the Roman Senate and consuls).
The article studies the specifics of the immigration problem that European countries were confronted at the end of the 20th century. The characteristic of the main models of the migration policy adopted by leading European countries is given. The following models typical of various countries were singled out: the assimilationist model adopted in France, the segregationist model adopted in Germany, and the pluralistic model adopted in the UK. Their comparative analysis is carried out. The case study of France is used to examine the main approaches, assessments and proposals formulated by liberal politicians to solve the immigration issue. The article analyzes the course of discussions in French political and intellectual communities in the 1980s and early 1990s. The studied material can be used by historians, sociologists, and political scientists to study the migration policy of European states.
The article devoted to the problem of Muslim immigration in France in the 20th century. The focus is on the causes of Muslim immigration, its cycles, specificity and consequences for modern French society. Based on a comparison of various statistical data, it stated that Muslim immigration is an integral part of three large waves of immigration flows that took place from the end of the 19th to the end of the 20th centuries. The article notes the correlation of the number of Muslim immigrants in France with the global numbers of immigrant arrivals to the country. However, if in the first two waves their number depended on the economic needs of the French economy (Muslims came to earn money), then during the third wave other factors came into play — the creation of stable communities, family reunification, going on stage second and third generations of immigrants, social problems of their arrangement and adaptation to French legal norms and customs. The article notes the specificity of the geographical concentration of the Muslim population, which takes place either near large industrial centers and cities (which makes it easier to find work and social protection), or in places of proximity to their native countries (southern France). Special attention paid to the problem of the evolution of state policy in the admission and integration of immigrants, when various methods tired from assimilation, the adoption of quotas to the policy of flexible regulation of immigration and expulsion of illegal immigrants from the country. The article analyzes the position of the Muslim community in France, the role of Muslim associations in its life, the impact on the socio-cultural life of the French. It can stated that Islam has become the second religion in France, which determines its position — a stable presence in socio-economic life (employment, the spread of the social protection system to immigrants), political (the right to vote, the possibility of creating associations, manifestations), religious (the possibility of worship), cultural (the formation of a specific immigrant subculture).
The constant presence of the extreme left in media space and its active political role in the life of modern France contribute to the development and presentation of its own foreign policy project to voters. One of its brightest representatives is the “La France insoumise” movement and its leader J.-L. Mélenchon, author of several books, mastermind of the Internet platform and personal blog, and presidential candidate. The program of “La France insoumise” is mainly addressed to domestic political problems. However, it contains analyses and proposals about the most relevant aspects of foreign policy, combined under the conditional name “altermondialist project.” In the foreign policy program of “La France insoumise,” three important aspects can be distinguished, which this article explores: attitudes to the functioning and basic principles of the European Union, geopolitics, and the place of France in the modern world, “political Francophonie.” Attention to these problems stems from the specifics of left-wing political culture, the traditional attention of the left to the problems of European integration, colonialism, democracy, and human rights. At the same time, in Mélenchon’s program we see references from the Gaullist heritage and foreign policy experience of the Fifth Republic. Mélenchon’s “altermondialism” does not imply the renunciation of national sovereignty or the nation-state, just as it recognizes the inevitability of globalization. In the spirit of the extreme left, he criticizes its neoliberal version, offering his own version of world reconstruction. The published policy documents and brochures of “La France insoumise,” as well as interviews and reflections of its leader, allow us to build a complete picture of an alternative foreign policy program of the extreme left, which was originally presented at the presidential elections in 2012 and 2017, and then, in an updated version, was prepared for the upcoming presidential elections in 2022.
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