We report a series of event-related potential experiments designed to dissociate the functionally distinct processes involved in the comprehension of highly restricted lexical-semantic relations (antonyms). We sought to differentiate between influences of semantic relatedness (which are independent of the experimental setting) and processes related to predictability (which differ as a function of the experimental environment). To this end, we conducted three ERP studies contrasting the processing of antonym relations (black-white) with that of related (black-yellow) and unrelated (black-nice) word pairs. Whereas the lexical-semantic manipulation was kept constant across experiments, the experimental environment and the task demands varied: Experiment 1 presented the word pairs in a sentence context of the form The opposite of X is Y and used a sensicality judgment. Experiment 2 used a word pair presentation mode and a lexical decision task. Experiment 3 also examined word pairs, but with an antonymy judgment task. All three experiments revealed a graded N400 response (unrelated > related > antonyms), thus supporting the assumption that semantic associations are processed automatically. In addition, the experiments revealed that, in highly constrained task environments, the N400 gradation occurs simultaneously with a P300 effect for the antonym condition, thus leading to the superficial impression of an extremely "reduced" N400 for antonym pairs. Comparisons across experiments and participant groups revealed that the P300 effect is not only a function of stimulus constraints (i.e., sentence context) and experimental task, but that it is also crucially influenced by individual processing strategies used to achieve successful task performance.

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Research on spoken languages has identified a "subject preference" processing strategy for tackling input that is syntactically ambiguous as to whether a sentence-initial NP is a subject or object. The present study documents that the "subject preference" strategy is also seen in the processing of a sign language, supporting the hypothesis that the "subject"-first strategy is universal and not dependent on the language modality (spoken vs. signed). Deaf signers of Austrian Sign Language (ÖGS) were shown videos of locally ambiguous signed sentences in SOV and OSV word orders. Electroencephalogram (EEG) data indicated higher cognitive load in response to OSV stimuli (i.e. a negativity for OSV compared to SOV), indicative of syntactic reanalysis cost. A finding that is specific to the visual modality is that the ERP (event-related potential) effect reflecting linguistic reanalysis occurred earlier than might have been expected, that is, before the time point when the path movement of the disambiguating sign was visible. We suggest that in the visual modality, transitional movement of the articulators prior to the disambiguating verb position or co-occurring non-manual (face/body) markings were used in resolving the local ambiguity in ÖGS. Thus, whereas the processing strategy of "subject preference" is cross-modal at the linguistic level, the cues that enable the processor to apply that strategy differ in signing as compared to speech.

We present a new analysis technique for EEG research on language comprehension, which dissociates superficially indistinguishable event-related potential (ERP) components. A frequency-based analysis differentiated between two apparently identical but functionally distinct N400 effects in terms of activity in separable frequency bands, and whether the activity stemmed from increased power or phase locking. Whereas linguistic problem detection is associated with theta band activity (approximately 3.5-7.5 Hz), conflict resolution correlates with activity in the delta band (1-3 Hz). The data further differentiate between the neuronal processing mechanisms involved in different types of conflict resolution on the basis of frequency characteristics (power vs phase locking).