consists of a number of actors of whom only a few such as Susanna, the two elders, the Jewish people and Daniel are directly related to the central action of the story. With regard to the roles of these actors in the story however, a question arises: Who is the subject of the story of Susanna? Most scholars question the attribution of the role of subject to Susanna. Their contention however, has not yet been sustained by convincing evidence stemming from the use of a suitable method. This study attempts to fill this gap by using the Greimassian approach to narratives, as refined by Everaert-Desmedt. The approach comprises three levels of analysis: the figurative, the narrative and the thematic. The contribution focuses only on the narrative level of analysis, particularly on the actantial model because the main role of this structure is to reveal different functions of actors called here actants. It is the contention here that following the actantial model of the Greimassian approach of analysis, Susanna emerges as the subject of the main concern of the story. The problemSusanna 1 is a short story and short stories consist of 'a limited number' of actors (Henry 1991:106-107). The actors here are Joachim, Susanna, Susanna's father and mother, the two elders, God, the Jewish people, Susanna's maids, Joachim's household servants, Susanna's children, the fictive young man, the unnamed daughters of Israel, Daniel and the angels. With regard to the roles that these actors play in the story however, questions arise. And the most disputed question is the following: Who is the subject of the story? Most scholars contest the attribution of the role of subject to Susanna. 2 They would agree with Levine (2004:311) that 'Susanna is not (first and foremost) subject, she is object. And she is abject.'It is on this contention of Levine that this investigation seeks to focus. In fact, Levine assumes that Susanna is the object but does not explain what it means from her point of view, to be the subject or the object of a story. Since no scholar has as yet replied to Levine in defence of the alternative view and her contention has never been supported by clear evidence, this article attempts to fill the gap by providing grounds for establishing Susanna as the subject of the story. The study follows the Greimassian approach focusing on the narrative analysis in general and the actantial model in particular, as outlined below. In fact, as will be revealed shortly, the actantial model serves to reveal roles of actants.In the Greimassian approach, a distinction is made between a sentential subject (subject of a sentence) and a discursive subject (a subject of a discourse) (Greimas & Courtés 1979:369-371). This study deals with the discursive subject in Susanna.Since it is accepted that verse 5 constitutes the topic sentence of Susanna (cf. Kanonge 2010), it is consequently assumed here that the preservation of the Law of Moses is the main concern, the object of the story of Susanna. Accordingly, the main actantial model of the story is...
Recent literary methods have opened new possibilities in reading and understanding the logic of narratives. The Greimassian approach offers such a possibility. Though Greimas’ approach is by now accepted as part of the canon of narratology, some of its components have not yet received due attention. This is the case with his ‘veridictory square’, a diagram that applies especially to texts where oppositions such as truth-falsehood, hero-villain and subject-anti-subject are prominent themes. This article aims to demonstrate that these kinds of narratives, such as Susanna, do not concern themselves with objective truth but persuasion about truth, that is, veridiction. Truth telling in those stories corresponds to manipulation, exercising a particular cognitive doing or causing to appear as true. In other words, such a manipulation of truth aims at causing people to believe. Using Greimas’ veridictory square built on opposing modalities of being (être) and seeming (paraître), the contrast between reality and appearance, this article provides insight into the games of truth in Susanna and thus offers a new inspiring way of reading these kinds of stories.
It is commonly held that irony features significantly in Susanna. This seemingly plausible hypothesis, however, has not yet been supported by compelling evidence resulting from a systematic analysis of Susanna. This study attempts to fill this gap by investigating the main ironic expressions, words and incidents featuring in Susanna. The approach followed consists of uncovering expressions of irony embedded in the story by paying attention to ironic use of metaphor, ironic use of wordplay, ironic use of rhetorical questions, ironic understatements (e.g. litotes), ironic exaggeration (e.g. hyperbole), ironic use of social conventions and traditions and ironic attribution. It is the contention of this study that Susanna is a thematically ironic story. The use of reversed social conventions is the most powerful and the most abundant expression of irony in the story. This dominant derisive technique is possibly aimed at addressing the irrelevance as well as the abuse of Jewish social conventions in the Second Temple period.
A historical overview of the Congo Evangelistic MissionThe CEM is a Pentecostal mission established in Mwanza, Katanga in the Democratic Republic of Congo in 1915 by the British missionaries W.F.P Burton and J. Salter. The mission's scopeMwanza is a Luba chiefdom in the Malemba Nkulu territory in the present province of Haut Lomami, in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The Mwanza chiefdom is located on the western bank of the Congo River with its headquarters in Seya. It is considered the centre of the Luba people (Burton 1927:321-338). When the first missionaries arrived, the chiefdom was under This article evaluates the impact of charismatic phenomena in the evangelisation of the Luba by the Congo Evangelistic Mission (CEM) between 1915 and 2015 (the centenary year of the CEM). The CEM is a Pentecostal faith-mission, founded in Mwanza, Katanga in the Democratic Republic of Congo in 1915 by the British missionaries W.F.P. Burton and J. Salter. Several authors such as Burton, Hodgson, Whittaker and Womersley believe that the manifestation of charismatic phenomena was instrumental to the extraordinary growth experienced by the CEM throughout its history. They posit that the occurrence of charismatic phenomena such as healing, miracles and deliverances, to mention a few, has made the CEM's proselytising more effective than any other missionary organisation in the region. In fact, as observed by Garrard, miraculous healings and divine judgements played a significant role in the acceptance of the CEM missionaries by the indigenous people of the Luba tribe in Katanga.
This article investigates the possible gender agenda of Susanna. Gender is one of the most debated issues in the study of the story. A frequently asked question is: "does Susanna reinforce or undermine patriarchy?" Most scholars, mainly feminists, are pessimistic and suspicious about the subversive programme of Susanna. This study addresses the above concern using the Greimassian approach to narratives, as refined by Everaert-Desmedt. The approach comprises three levels of analysis: the figurative, the narrative and the thematic. Results from preliminary analysis appear to highlight "Jewishness" as the main concern here. True Jewishness seems to depend exclusively on the commitment to the Law, regardless of gender. A woman such as Susanna, committed to the Law even to the cost of her life, is a true Jew (θυγάτηρ Ἰούδας). Men like the elders, opposing the Law, are corrupt and corrupting strangers (σπέρμα Χανάαν). Accordingly, Susanna undermines rather than reinforces patriarchy.
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