Alphabetic orthographies differ with respect to how consistently letters map onto sounds. For example, in Finnish, Italian, or Greek, a given letter is almost always pronounced the same in different words. These writing systems are referred to as consistent or transparent. In contrast, in English and to a lesser degree in French, a given letter is often pronounced differently in different words (e.g., a in cat, was, saw, made, and car). These writing systems are referred to as inconsistent or opaque. The orthographic consistency of a writing system has been shown to influence fundamental aspects of skilled reading, such as the importance of phonological information or the grain size of basic reading units (Frost, Katz, & Bentin, 1987;Ziegler, Perry, Jacobs, & Braun, 2001).Over the past decade, it has become clear that orthographic consistency is the key factor determining the rate of reading acquisition across different languages (for a review, see ). One of the most striking demonstrations comes from a cross-language investigation in which reading performance was measured at the end of Grade 1 in 14 European countries (Seymour, Aro, & Erskine, 2003). Whereas reading accuracy in most transparent languages (e.g., Italian, German, Greek, Spanish, and Finnish) reached ceiling at this time, accuracy in less transparent languages (e.g., Portuguese, French, and Danish) was lower, around 80%. However, reading performance in English, the least transparent of the orthographies studied, was only 34%. This basic finding has been replicated in a number of small-scale experiments (Bruck,
14Centre référent pour le diagnostic des troubles du langage et des apprentissages, Département de pédiatrie, CHU Nord, Grenoble, France; Background: The relationship between phoneme awareness, rapid automatized naming (RAN), verbal short-term/working memory (ST/WM) and diagnostic category is investigated in control and dyslexic children, and the extent to which this depends on orthographic complexity. Methods: General cognitive, phonological and literacy skills were tested in 1,138 control and 1,114 dyslexic children speaking six different languages spanning a large range of orthographic complexity (Finnish, Hungarian, German, Dutch, French, English). Results: Phoneme deletion and RAN were strong concurrent predictors of developmental dyslexia, while verbal ST/WM and general verbal abilities played a comparatively minor role. In logistic regression models, more participants were classified correctly when orthography was more complex. The impact of phoneme deletion and RAN-digits was stronger in complex than in less complex orthographies. Conclusions: Findings are largely consistent with the literature on predictors of dyslexia and literacy skills, while uniquely demonstrating how orthographic complexity exacerbates some symptoms of dyslexia.
Although the transparency of a writing system is hypothesized to systematically influence the cognitive skills associated with reading development, results of cross-language investigations are inconsistent and usually do not address this issue in a developmental context. We therefore investigated the cognitive dynamics of reading fluency of different word types in Grades 1–4 in three orthographies differing in degree of transparency (Hungarian, Dutch, and Portuguese). The overall results showed that the relative strength of the contributions of phonological awareness and rapid naming to word reading fluency shifted as a function of reading expertise: The contribution of phonological awareness remained significant in all grades but decreased as a function of grade, whereas the contribution of rapid naming increased. Orthographic depth systematically modulated the strength of the cognitive contributions to reading, but not the overall developmental pattern. Together, these results indicate that the cognitive development of reading skill is fairly universal (at least for alphabetic scripts) and that differences in orthographic depth will not recruit different cognitive processes but will mainly be expressed in rate of reading development.
Video games are more popular than ever and the general public, including parents, educators, and the media, tends to consider intense video gaming fundamentally problematic. To test this hypothesis, participants were recruited via gaming-related websites resulting in a sample of N = 5,222 online video gamers (mean age: 22.2 years, SD = 6.4). Besides assessing gaming time, we administered the Ten-Item Internet Gaming Disorder Test, the Brief Symptom Inventory, and the Motives for Online Gaming Questionnaire. Two structural regression models were estimated with both gaming time and problematic gaming as outcome variables. Predictors were psychiatric symptoms in the first, and gaming motives in the second model. Both models yielded adequate fit indices. Psychiatric symptoms had a moderate positive effect on problematic use (β = .46, p< .001) whereas their effect on gaming time was practically zero (β = -.01, p = .84). In the second model, Escape was the most prominent motive and was moderately to-strongly associated (β = .58, p < .001) with problematic use. However, the association between Escape and gaming time was substantially weaker (β = .21, p < .001). The correlation between gaming time and problematic use was weak-to-moderate in both models (r = .26, p < .001 and r = .21, p < .001, respectively). Data suggest that gaming time is weakly associated with negative psychological factors such as psychiatric symptoms and Escape motive, which were found to be consistently related to problematic use. Therefore, the amount of gaming time alone appears to be an unreliable predictor of problematic use, which questions the aforementioned idea that intense gaming is essentially problematic. (PsycINFO Database Record
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