The HE injury mechanisms, time frames, and causes in our study are different from those in the earlier, seminal reports. The classic trimodal death distribution is much more skewed to early death. Exsanguination became as frequent as lethal head injuries, but the incidence of fatal MOF is lower than reported earlier. LE trauma is responsible for 41% of the postinjury mortality, with distinct epidemiology. The LE group deserves more attention and further investigation.
LE-PRF and HE-PRF are equally frequent among hospital admissions. They represent two distinct demographic groups with similar mortality rate. Most PRF-related deaths occur prehospitally. Bleeding remains the primary cause of PRF-related mortality in all groups.
Timely management of open tibia fractures (mean, 8 hours) eliminates time to debridement and contamination as predictors of poor outcome. Patient factors and local and general injury severity determine the outcomes. Aiming for the earliest safe time to debridement minimizes the negative effects of modifiable factors on the outcome.
Acute ORIF of unstable pelvic ring fractures within 6 hours could be safely performed even in severely shocked patients with multiple injuries. The procedure did not lead to increased rates of transfusion, mortality, intensive care unit LOS, or overall LOS. Furthermore, all these parameters showed a trend toward benefit compared with a staged approach.
Outside agencies working in the Solomon Islands-whether a postwar land commission or a late-twentieth-century global environmental organizationhave consistently called for the clarification of property rights as the necessary starting point for any form of economic development. Many residents of Ranongga, a small mountainous island in the Western Solomons, are eager to have their territorial rights recognized by national and international organizations and by other islanders. Yet transforming complex, crosscutting, localized relationships into abstract rights that are commensurable, predictable, and knowable to outsiders raises major political and ethical dilemmas for Ranonggan leaders. As in other Oceanic polities, the true people of the land are supposed to generously welcome foreigners. Aggressively claiming exclusive rights for oneself or one's group would effectively alienate those others who are necessary for a properly functioning polity. Clarification-however necessary for the workings of a capitalist economy-thus threatens to undermine the tenuous achievement of unity that Ranonggans see as the prerequisite to peace, prosperity, and (as they understand it) development.
From humble beginnings in the 1960s, the United Church Women's Fellowship (UCWF) is now viewed as one of the most effective organizations on the island of Ranongga (Western Province, Solomon Islands). This essay considers reasons for the success of women's fellowship in Ranongga, focusing on the distinctive position of women in gendered local and translocal forms of social organization. Far from being isolated from the outside world, Ranonggan women have long been engaged in drawing outsiders into local communities. I explore this theme in narratives of Christian conversion and of the beginning of women's fellowship; I also consider the practices of local and national women's fellowship groups that work to constitute unified communities out of diverse groups of people. My discussion of Ranonggan women's fellowship illustrates local dynamics of community‐making that do not map easily on to dominant models of nation‐states and ethnic groups. I ask whether the UCWF provides an alternative model for thinking about larger‐scale political formations, particularly in the Solomons. This question is especially relevant considering the significant contribution that women's Christian organizations have made in efforts to reconstitute a national community in the context of the ongoing political crisis in Solomon Islands.
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