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IMPORTANCE Data from the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic in the US show large differences in hospitalizations and mortality across race and geography. However, there are limited data on health information, beliefs, and behaviors that might indicate different exposure to risk. OBJECTIVE To determine the association of sociodemographic characteristics with reported incidence, knowledge, and behavior regarding COVID-19 among US adults. DESIGN, SETTING, AND PARTICIPANTS A US national survey study was conducted from March 29 to April 13, 2020, to measure differences in knowledge, beliefs, and behavior about COVID-19. The survey oversampled COVID-19 hotspot areas. The survey was conducted electronically. The criteria for inclusion were age 18 years or older and residence in the US. Data analysis was performed in April 2020. MAIN OUTCOMES AND MEASURES The main outcomes were incidence, knowledge, and behaviors related to COVID-19 as measured by survey response. RESULTS The survey included 5198 individuals (mean [SD] age, 48 [18] years; 2336 men [45%]; 3759 white [72%], 830 [16%] African American, and 609 [12%] Hispanic). The largest differences in COVID-19-related knowledge and behaviors were associated with race/ethnicity, sex, and age, with African American participants, men, and people younger than 55 years showing less knowledge than other groups. African American respondents were 3.5 percentage points (95% CI, 1.5 to 5.5 percentage points; P = .001) more likely than white respondents to report being infected with COVID-19, as were men compared with women (3.2 percentage points; 95% CI, 2.0 to 4.4 percentage points; P < .001). Knowing someone who tested positive for COVID-19 was more common among African American respondents (7.2 percentage points; 95% CI, 3.4 to 10.9 percentage points; P < .001), people younger than 30 years (11.6 percentage points; 95% CI, 7.5 to 15.7 percentage points; P < .001), and people with higher incomes (coefficient on earning Ն$100 000, 12.3 percentage points; 95% CI, 8.7 to 15.8 percentage points; P < .001). Knowledge of potential fomite spread was lower among African American respondents (−9.4 percentage points; 95% CI, −13.1 to −5.7 percentage points; P < .001), Hispanic respondents (−4.8 percentage points; 95% CI, −8.9 to −0.77 percentage points; P = .02), and people younger than 30 years (−10.3 percentage points; 95% CI, −14.1 to −6.5 percentage points; P < .001). Similar gaps were found with respect to knowledge of COVID-19 symptoms and preventive behaviors. CONCLUSIONS AND RELEVANCE In this survey study of US adults, there were gaps in reported incidence of COVID-19 and knowledge regarding its spread and symptoms and social distancing behavior. More effort is needed to increase accurate information and encourage appropriate Key Points Question How do reported incidence, knowledge, and behaviors regarding coronavirus disease 2019 vary across sociodemographic characteristics in the US? Findings In this survey study, the largest differences in coronavirus disease 2019-rela...
We study partisan differences in Americans' response to the COVID-19 pandemic. Political leaders and media outlets on the right and left have sent divergent messages about the severity of the crisis, which could impact the extent to which Republicans and Democrats engage in social distancing and other efforts to reduce disease transmission. We develop a simple model of a pandemic response with heterogeneous agents that clarifies the causes and consequences of heterogeneous responses. We use location data from a large sample of smartphones to show that areas with more Republicans engage in less social distancing, controlling for other factors including public policies, population density, and local COVID cases and deaths. We then present new survey evidence of significant gaps at the individual level between Republicans and Democrats in self-reported social distancing, beliefs about personal COVID risk, and beliefs about the future severity of the pandemic.
We study the causal effect of school curricula on students' political attitudes, exploiting a major textbook reform in China between 2004 and 2010. The sharp, staggered introduction of the new curriculum across provinces allows us to identify its causal effects. We examine government documents articulating desired consequences of the reform, and identify changes in textbooks reflecting these aims. A survey we conducted reveals that the reform was often successful in shaping attitudes, while evidence on behavior is mixed. Studying the new curriculum led to more positive views of China's governance, changed views on democracy, and increased skepticism toward free markets.
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