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Musicians and theorists such as the radiophonic pioneer Pierre Schaeffer, view the products of new audio technologies as devices whereby the experience of sound can be displaced from its causal origins and achieve new musical or poetic resonances. Accordingly, the listening experience associated with sonic art within this perspective is 'acousmatic'; the process of sound generation playing no role in the description or understanding of the experience as such. In this paper I shall articulate and defend a position according to which an adequate phenomenology of auditory experience must refer to mechanisms of sound generation. This position is shown to follow from a phenomenology of sounds as located events and a physicalist account of auditory properties as features of the temporal development of such events.
Finding avenues for collaboration and engagement between the arts and the sciences (natural and social) was a central theme of investigation for the Responsible Research and Innovation (RRI) and Public Engagement programme at BrisSynBio, a BBSRC/ EPSRC Synthetic Biology Research Centre that is now part of the Bristol BioDesign Institute at University of Bristol (UK). The reflections and experiments that appear in this dossier are a sample of these investigations and are contributed by Maria Fannin, Katy Connor and David Roden. Darian Meacham coordinated and introduces the dossier.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.. American Geographical Society is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Geographical Review. attached increasing significance to the spatial distribution of investment, income, and capital resources as part of the development process. Economic expansion is rarely uniform; rather, it focuses on certain localities favored by a variety of circumstances. Acknowledgment of this has been implicit in the formulation of growth-pole, or spearhead, models for economic development and in their official acceptance as foundations for national and regional planning strategies, both in advanced and in backward countries. Growth-pole models are based on the belief that concentration of investment in a favored region will create a center of growth, to which labor, raw materials, and foodstuffs are drawn and from which capital, techniques, and skills are diffused to an ever-widening area.1 However, warnings persist that sustained and unregulated expansion in one region will adversely affect other regions. Gunnar Myrdal and Albert 0. Hirschman, in particular, have argued that once a certain region has been able, through some initial advantage, to move ahead of other regions the "backwash effect" or "polarization effect" that arises as productive resources like labor, capital, and commodities are drawn into the growth area will greatly restrict opportunities for development in the rest of the country. Countervailing "spread" effects or "trickling down" effects from the favored region are generally too weak in poor countries to correct the balance, and consequently the normal tendency is for an increase in regional inequalities, at least in the early stages of economic development.2 * A preliminary version of this paper was presented to a conference held in Toronto on "The Future of the Sudan," sponsored by the International Studies Program of the University of Toronto, June 12-13, 1972. REGIONAL INEQUALITY IN THE SUDANThe purpose of this paper is to illustrate and explain the marked differences in the geographical distribution of capital resources in Sudan in the present century and to examine a few results of the disparities, with special reference to the cycle of regional discontent that has gained momentum in the last two decades. Areally the largest state in Africa, the Republic of the Sudan is also among the continent's poorest nations. Per capita income is estimated to be US$i1 o and may be as low as US$76,3 the commercial economy is dominated by cotton, and the whole country has no more than 150 miles of paved roads outside the main towns. Yet the Sudan also has an immense potential for agricultural growth. A decade ago approximately 7 million acres were cultivate...
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