This article argues for a theoretical extension in anthropology from the post-Cartesian depiction of body and mind as one (rather than as separable) to the idea that this composite body-mind can be regarded as enmeshed in social trails created by the movement of objects. Movements of persons therefore occur with or in relation to the objects to which people attach themselves. Such everyday movements need to be contrasted with those dramatically resulting from forcible human displacement, in which refugees, for instance, take what items they can both for immediate practical use but also in order either to re-establish or re-define personal and collective origins. The article concludes by suggesting that, as mementoes of sentiment and cultural knowledge and yet also as bases of future re-settlement, the ‘transitional objects’ carried by peoples in crisis inscribe their personhood in flight but offer the possibility of their own de-objectification and re-personalization afterwards.
Ritual Syncretism as Cultural BorrowingLeach in his study of the Kachin interpreted disputes over claims to administer ritual or to recite myths as a means whereby politically opposed factions sought to assert their independence or their dominance (Leach, 1954, p. 278). He also showed that in this competition the Kachin made use of ritual and other cultural elements which they had adopted from the Shans and were using for political ends.
Over the centuries among many peoples, wind, air, breath, and notions of soul and life‐force have been regarded as intertwined semantically and in their effects on the world. Humans and intangible and invisible non‐human agents are often said to share these elements. Life as breath and wind as spirit, and both as evidence of consciousness, intention or soul, allow persons to abridge what they otherwise view as the separate domains of solid and non‐solid phenomena. They may understand them as transformable one into the other: human becoming spirit and spirit taking on human characteristics and form. The further association of this complex with smell reinforces the cyclical idea of human and non‐human transformation, by presenting it as what we ethnocentrically call a material and spiritual cycle, because smell itself has molecular origin and effect and yet, as regards vision and touch, can be elusive like spirit. The particular case described is of Bantu‐speaking inhabitants of the East African coast, and shows how Muslims and non‐Muslims have common metaphysical assumptions concerning this semantic cluster despite differences of religious belief.
Coexisting medical traditions operate at different levels of scale. In rural eastern Africa there are diviners and herbalists whose clients are drawn from the immediate neighbourhood. Some develop healing reputations more widely over a region or nation, sometimes with prophetic and witch-finding powers. Biomedical clinics and hospitals are also interlinked regionally, nationally and internationally. Patients or carers may seek healthcare by moving through these different levels, sometimes beginning with a neighbourhood healer and sometimes trying out different therapies simultaneously. Sicknesses and misfortunes are often first discussed within a family or homestead, with concern for the victim extending to all its members. The talk is based on assumed trust among its members. However, if unresolved, the affliction may trigger a crisis that breaks the trust, so that healers beyond the neighbourhood are sought, whether prophetic/witch-finding or biomedical. Taken out of the context of family and homestead intimacy, the talk blames the ailment on the malevolence or negligence of individuals in the community. Talk about sickness among sufferers and between them and healers, is thus transformed from that which seeks resolution in amity to that which seeks culpability and, sometimes, retribution. A similar process of sickness talk changing through its appropriation by wider scale and more powerful medical authority also occurs in western biomedical hospitals and clinics.
Two areas of therapeutic provision in eastern East Africa are contrasted: a coastal stretch inhabited mainly by Muslims, and a largely non-Muslim hinterland, each with its own healers, medicines, and customary ethic. Spread over both areas are providers of biomedicine associated originally, and to some extent today, with Christianity. Whether or not they also attend biomedical sites, Muslims seek healers in the coastal stretch and non-Muslims usually in the hinterland, each following ethico-religious preferences. However, because people move through the two areas and compare treatments, individuals' journeys can change direction, with non-Muslims sometimes seeking Muslim healers and either of these groups choosing the more dispersed biomedical outlets. The notion of 'pathways' to health thus combines set journeys to areas known for particular healers and a distinctive ethic, with possible detours to alternative sources of therapy, including biomedicine not regarded as governed by the same ethic.
Opening ParagraphI describe a people who, in aspiring to Swahili Islamic values and life style, marginalise themselves economically and politically.The title of the article both indicates the dilemma of their identity and, for scholars who study Swahili-speaking peoples, is deliberately provocative. How can people whom we call or who call themselves Swahili possibly also be referred to as Mijikenda? After all, these two peoples have in other descriptions been shown to be sharply distinct, either as enemies, as traders in separate goods, or as employers and labourers respectively. Yet, though this is a reasonable characterisation of a difference of great historical significance for the creation of Kenyan coast culture and hegemony, it forgets the areas of overlap between the two peoples, where, in effect, it becomes sometimes impossible to posit consistent differences. The sharp delineation conventionally recorded by writers between the Swahili and the Mijikenda (and the various names by which they have been known before the use of this term in 1945) is as much a result of the conditions under which such writings were produced: they unconsciously reproduce the very distinctions by which pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial authorities administered and ruled the area and its peoples.
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