Pooling data from four samples in which 1,882 men were assessed for acts of interpersonal violence, we report on 120 men whose self-reported acts met legal definitions of rape or attempted rape, but who were never prosecuted by criminal justice authorities. A majority of these undetected rapists were repeat rapists, and a majority also committed other acts of interpersonal violence. The repeat rapists averaged 5.8 rapes each. The 120 rapists were responsible for 1,225 separate acts of interpersonal violence, including rape, battery, and child physical and sexual abuse. These findings mirror those from studies of incarcerated sex offenders (Abel, Becker, Mittelman, Cunningham-Rathner, Rouleau, & Murphy, 1987; Weinrott and Saylor, 1991), indicating high rates of both repeat rape and multiple types of offending. Implications for the investigation and prosecution of this so-called "hidden" rape are discussed.

Masculine gender role stress and masculine ideology were investigated to better understand each factor's role in men's aggressive and violent behaviors perpetrated within their romantic relationships. Participants were 165 men attending an urban university campus. A hierarchical regression analysis was used to analyze each factor's contribution to predicting aggression and violence. Results indicated that masculine gender role stress accounted for a significant portion of the variance in aggression and violence scores. In addition, the interaction effect of Ideology × Gender Role Stress emerged as a significant predictor of aggression and violence. Results are discussed in terms of clinical implications and future research.

Autobiographical interviews with 26 adult male survivors of childhood sexual abuse were audiotaped, transcribed verbatim and content analyzed to identifi, common psychological themes. Approximately equal numbers of men were abused by male and female perpetrators, almost half came from disrupted or violent homes and a majority had a history of substance abuse. Fifteen psychological themes were identified: Anger, Betrayal, Fear, Homosexuality Issues, Helplessness, Isolation and Alien at ion, Legitim acy, Loss, Masculinity Issues, Negative Childhood Peer Relations, Negative Schemas about People, Negative Schemas about the Self; Problems with Sexuality, Self BlamelGuilt and ShamelHumiliation. The themes are discussed and illustrated with examples drawn from the transcripts. KEY WORDS: sexual abuse; male survivors; post-traumatic stress disorder. 525 0894-9867/94/1ooO~)525507.00/0 0 1994 Plenum Publlshmg Corporation M a l e Survivor Interviews METHOD Subjects 521Subjects were 26 men, 23 students and three employees, at an urban, commuter university in New England. With a mean age of 33.7 years, and a range from 21 to 53, the sample was somewhat older than the campus mean of 27. The ethnic composition of the sample was less diverse than that of the university: One subject was'African American, two were Native American, and the remaining 23 were European American. Seven of the subjects' mothers (26.9%) had less than a high school education, eight (30.8%) had completed high school, and 11 (42.3%) had college degrees. Among the fathers, 5 (19.2%) had less than a high school education, 9 (34.6%) had completed high school, and 12 (46.2%) had college degrees. Five of the men were raised at least partially by step-parents (three stepmothers and two step-fathers). ProceduresSubjects were recruited via posters placed around the university which asked for volunteers to participate in an interview study concerning male sexual abuse. Examples of sexual abuse were described to help potential subjects identify themselves. Responses to the posters came from 29 men, 3 of whom decided not to participate after the initial informational phone conversation.Each subject was given a written consent form to read before beginning the interview, and the consent issues were then explained by the interviewer. In addition to the usual issues of the subject's right to withdraw, etc., each subject was told what the limits of confidentiality were, i.e., under what circumstances the interviewer would be forced to break confidentiality either to inform appropriate social services or to warn an identified, intended victim. The interviews were described to subjects as "autobiographical," and began with the simple instruction that their entire life story was

Research on convicted rapists has demonstrated the importance of several key motivational factors in male sexual aggression. In particular, anger at women and the need to dominate or control them have been repeatedly implicated. Although anger and power have also been shown to be important in understanding college men who report sexually aggressive behavior, there has been little research on what underlies these motives. This research combined questions assessing these underlying motivational factors, as well as questions dealing with underlying sexual motivation and disinhibition, with a slightly modified version of the Sexual Experiences Survey (Koss & Oros, 1982). In Study 1, subjects were 184 male undergraduates. Factor analysis of the questions composing the four scales yielded four slightly modified scales. Scales measuring underlying anger, underlying power, and disinhibition significantly differentiated sexually aggressive from nonaggressive men but did not distinguish between men who were coercive, manipulative, or nonaggressive. In a replication on a smaller sample (n = 70), underlying anger, underlying power, and disinhibition again differentiated sexually aggressive from nonaggressive men.

One of the most controversial disputes affecting the discourse related to violence against women is the dispute about the frequency of false allegations of sexual assault. In an effort to add clarity to the discourse, published research on false allegations is critiqued, and the results of a new study described. All cases (N = 136) of sexual assault reported to a major Northeastern university over a 10-year period are analyzed to determine the percentage of false allegations. Of the 136 cases of sexual assault reported over the 10-year period, 8 (5.9%) are coded as false allegations. These results, taken in the context of an examination of previous research, indicate that the prevalence of false allegations is between 2% and 10%.