Who gets a seat at the table and who does not is an important consideration for successful peacemaking. However, current research does not provide sufficient guidance for understanding the politics of participation in peace negotiations. The present article thus develops a conceptual framework for understanding these dynamics. Its central theme is that the inclusion or exclusion of a given actor in peace negotiations is affected by two independent factors. One factor pertains to the practical requirements of the peace process and addresses the following question: does the participation of a given actor augment the chance of reaching a sustainable peace settlement?The other factor relates to the normative dimension of peace talks: is the participation of a given actor consistent with the values of international mediators and sponsors of peace negotiations?The article argues that the dynamics of inclusion and exclusion result from the interplay of these two factors. The most straightforward situation for mediators is when practical requirements and international norms are mutually reinforcing. Difficulties arise from scenarios where practical effectiveness and norms contradict each other. This is the case when the involvement of a given person (or group) is imperative in terms of the peace process, but difficult to justify politically because this person has committed terrorist acts or is indicted by an international court.

A scientific panel assembled by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) determined that variability in cholinesterase (ChE) activities in the agency's pesticide/animal study database likely was due to a lack of accepted guidelines for ChE methodology. A series of trials was held in which participating laboratories measured ChE activity in blood and brain samples from untreated and pesticide-treated rats using a colorimetric assay method. The degree of inhibition of ChE activity in plasma and brain samples compared to controls was consistent among most of the laboratories. The ChE activity in erythrocyte samples differed more between laboratories due to a high blank, low erythrocyte AChE activity and hemoglobin absorption at the wavelength of the assay. Strategies are suggested for minimizing the variability of ChE activity in hemoglobin-rich samples.

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This concluding article looks at the findings of the special issue through the lens of the Swiss experience. It traces the development of Swiss peace promotion activities, emphasising the emergence of a fully institutionalized peace policy since the end of the Cold War. Drawing on role theory, it makes sense of this process by referring to changes in the structure of the international system, altered role expectations by external actors, as well as internal processes of role contestation. In comparison to other small states, the article argues that Switzerland can be seen as a paradigmatic case on some levels. Notably, Switzerland extended its peace promotion activities as part of a niche foreign policy, which emerged in response to the post-Cold War world order as well as a change in dominant foreign policy role conceptions. At the same time, there are a number of idiosyncrasies: Switzerland as a non-member of EU and NATO enjoys a higher degree of autonomy in crafting its peace policy and its peace promotion activities remain largely focused on civilian instruments.

This article explores the role of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in the international response to the conflict in Darfur. Both scholars and activists have commonly described the R2P in Darfur as a failure. However, a second look reveals a relatively far-reaching response to a contemporary civil war: Darfur hosts the world's largest UN peacekeeping mission; it represents the first situation that the UN Security Council has referred to the International Criminal Court; sanctions have been imposed against Sudan; and significant resources were invested in peace negotiations. This article thus explores the puzzle of Darfur. It first establishes empirical facts by providing a detailed account of international engagement in Darfur. It then considers four conceptions of the R2P in the context of Darfur, arguing that the R2P as a 'rallying cry' for transnational advocacy groups provides the most plausible explanation for the magnitude of the international response. The third section of the article thus explores the mechanisms through which the transnational campaign on Darfur has built leverage. It concludes by considering the implications of the Darfur case on the R2P as a global norm and by pointing to some of its more problematic aspects. Keywords