JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

Archaeological research in the Gulf Coast of Tabasco reveals the earliest record of maize cultivation in Mexico. The first farmers settled along beach ridges and lagoons of the Grijalva River delta. Pollen from cultivated Zea appears with evidence of forest clearing about 5100 calendar years B.C. (yr B.C.) [6200 (14)C years before the present (yr B.P.)]. Large Zea sp. pollen, typical of domesticated maize (Zea mays), appears about 5000 calendar yr B.C. (6000 yr B.P.). A Manihot sp. pollen grain dated to 4600 calendar yr B.C. (5800 yr B.P.) may be from domesticated manioc. About 2500 calendar yr B.C. (4000 yr B.P.), domesticated sunflower seeds and cotton pollen appear as farming expanded.

Eastern North America is one of at least six regions of the world where agriculture is thought to have arisen wholly independently. The primary evidence for this hypothesis derives from morphological changes in the archaeobotanical record of three important crops--squash, goosefoot and sunflower--as well as an extinct minor cultigen, sumpweed. However, the geographical origins of two of the three primary domesticates--squash and goosefoot--are now debated, and until recently sunflower (Helianthus annuus L.) has been considered the only undisputed eastern North American domesticate. The discovery of 4,000-year-old domesticated sunflower remains from San Andrés, Tabasco, implies an earlier and possibly independent origin of domestication in Mexico and has stimulated a re-examination of the geographical origin of domesticated sunflower. Here we describe the genetic relationships and pattern of genetic drift between extant domesticated strains and wild populations collected from throughout the USA and Mexico. We show that extant domesticates arose in eastern North America, with a substantial genetic bottleneck occurring during domestication.

The access to water and the engineered landscapes accommodating its collection and allocation are pivotal issues for assessing sustainability. Recent mapping, sediment coring, and formal excavation at Tikal, Guatemala, have markedly expanded our understanding of ancient Maya water and land use. Among the landscape and engineering feats identified are the largest ancient dam identified in the Maya area of Central America; the posited manner by which reservoir waters were released; construction of a cofferdam for dredging the largest reservoir at Tikal; the presence of ancient springs linked to the initial colonization of Tikal; the use of sand filtration to cleanse water entering reservoirs; a switching station that facilitated seasonal filling and release; and the deepest rock-cut canal segment in the Maya Lowlands. These engineering achievements were integrated into a system that sustained the urban complex through deep time, and they have implications for sustainable construction and use of water management systems in tropical forest settings worldwide.archaeology | resilience | intensification | tropics | paleoecology H ow human populations have used currently threatened environments in a sustainable and managed manner over time can be addressed through archeology and its multidisciplinary collaborations (1). Today, in the geographical core of Classic Maya civilization (A.D. 250-800)-the tropical forest of Petén, Guatemala (a subtropical moist forest in the Holdridge system) (2)-short-fallow slash-and-burn agriculture, logging, and cattle ranching have significantly affected portions of the ecosystem and limited access to potable water (3, 4). Nevertheless, within this biophysical context, one of the earliest and most long-lived tropical civilizations flourished. Maya water and land uses were significantly affected by highly seasonal precipitation and karst physiography, which accommodated little perennial surface water. In response, the ancient Maya developed a complex system of water management dependent on water collection and storage devices. The hydraulic system was cleverly tailored to the biophysical conditions and adaptively engineered to the evolving needs of a growing population for more than 1,000 y (5-7). By identifying how a tropical setting was altered using a Stone Age technology, methods and techniques associated with long-lived and sustainable landscape engineering are revealed. Establishing baseline assessments of human impact on an environment before the extraction and depletion of resources by recent technological advancements may allow an evaluation of current technology's effects and the origins of unintended ecological as well as social consequences.The ancient low-density urban community of Tikal, Guatemala, was recently examined by way of water and landscape assessments (8-10).* Our intent was to document the evolution of a tropical wet-dry engineered landscape (11) and the manner in which the site was altered from its initial colonization (Middle to Late Preclassic, 600 B.C. to A.D. ...

Phylogenetic analyses of genes with demonstrated involvement in evolutionary transitions can be an important means of resolving conflicting hypotheses about evolutionary history or process. In sunflower, two genes have previously been shown to have experienced selective sweeps during its early domestication. In the present study, we identified a third candidate early domestication gene and conducted haplotype analyses of all three genes to address a recent, controversial hypothesis about the origin of cultivated sunflower. Although the scientific consensus had long been that sunflower was domesticated once in eastern North America, the discovery of preColumbian sunflower remains at archaeological sites in Mexico led to the proposal of a second domestication center in southern Mexico. Previous molecular studies with neutral markers were consistent with the former hypothesis. However, only two indigenous Mexican cultivars were included in these studies, and their provenance and genetic purity have been questioned. Therefore, we sequenced regions of the three candidate domestication genes containing SNPs diagnostic for domestication from large, newly collected samples of Mexican sunflower landraces and Mexican wild populations from a broad geographic range. The new germplasm also was genotyped for 12 microsatellite loci. Our evidence from multiple evolutionarily important loci and from neutral markers supports a single domestication event for extant cultivated sunflower in eastern North America.agriculture | Helianthus annuus | phylogeography M any genetic changes essential for crop evolution have been identified, and these alleles provide useful tools for inferring how, where, and when early societies transformed wild plants into agricultural staples (1, 2). Examining sequence diversity of these alleles in cultivated lineages, wild progenitors, and archaeological specimens can reveal critical information about the rate, timing, geography, and order of the domestication process (3). For instance, sequences of domestication loci obtained from archaeological maize cobs indicated that although domestication alleles for two traits became fixed early, fixation of domestication alleles for a third trait occurred several thousand years later (4). Patterns of sequence diversity around domestication alleles have yielded estimates of the strength of selection during domestication for several loci in rice and maize (5-7). In addition, the geographic distributions of domestication alleles in extant cultivated and wild germplasm have been used to assess how crops and crop alleles have spread from domestication centers and reveal whether convergent traits in independent lineages evolved from the same or unique suites of mutations (5,(8)(9)(10)(11).Here, we examine three genes that experienced selective sweeps during early domestication of sunflower, Helianthus annuus, to address a recent controversy about the number and location of sunflower domestication centers (12-17).

No abstract

Tikal has long been viewed as one of the leading polities of the ancient Maya realm, yet how the city was able to maintain its substantial population in the midst of a tropical forest environment has been a topic of unresolved debate among researchers for decades. We present ecological, paleoethnobotanical, hydraulic, remote sensing, edaphic, and isotopic evidence that reveals how the Late Classic Maya at Tikal practiced intensive forms of agriculture (including irrigation, terrace construction, arboriculture, household gardens, and short fallow swidden) coupled with carefully controlled agroforestry and a complex system of water retention and redistribution. Empirical evidence is presented to demonstrate that this assiduously managed anthropogenic ecosystem of the Classic period Maya was a landscape optimized in a way that provided sustenance to a relatively large population in a preindustrial, low-density urban community. This landscape productivity optimization, however, came with a heavy cost of reduced environmental resiliency and a complete reliance on consistent annual rainfall. Recent speleothem data collected from regional caves showed that persistent episodes of unusually low rainfall were prevalent in the mid-9th century A.D., a time period that coincides strikingly with the abandonment of Tikal and the erection of its last dated monument in A.D. 869. The intensified resource management strategy used at Tikal-already operating at the landscape's carrying capacity-ceased to provide adequate food, fuel, and drinking water for the Late Classic populace in the face of extended periods of drought. As a result, social disorder and abandonment ensued.he Late Classic period (A.D. 600-850) was a time of unprecedented architectural, astronomical, and artistic achievement at Tikal, one of the leading urban centers of the ancient Maya realm. It was also a time of meteoric population growth at this bustling cultural center. Notwithstanding its prominence as a major Maya polity, how Tikal's leaders and farmers managed to provide food, fuel, and other sustenance for its many occupants has never been fully understood or quantified.To best assess resource potential at Tikal, we first defined an extraction zone that was extrapolated from archaeological settlement data by creating a Voronoi diagram (1, 2) (Fig. 1). Essentially, this approach proscribes a proportional boundary between Tikal and its surrounding contemporaneous communities: namely, Motul de San Jose, El Zotz, Uaxactún, Xultun, Dos Aguadas, Nakum, Yaxha, and Ixlu. Using this technique, including assigning greater economic clout to Tikal using a 2:1 weighting scheme (see section on the Voronoi diagram in SI Materials and Methods), we calculated that its Late Classic resource extraction zone encompassed ∼1,100 km 2 . This is the area from which the residents of Tikal could obtain their necessary food, fuel, construction timbers, and other living essentials.Superimposing the Voronoi Diagram over satellite images of modern Tikal (2, 3) (Fig. 1), which is mostly...

No abstract