This study examined the relations between components of gender identity and psychosocial adjustment. The aspects of gender identity assessed were (a) feelings of psychological compatibility with one's gender (i.e., feeling one is a typical member of one's sex and feeling content with one's biological sex), (b) feelings of pressure from parents, peers, and self for conformity to gender stereotypes, and (c) the sentiment that one's own sex is superior to the other (intergroup bias). Adjustment was assessed in terms of self-esteem and peer acceptance. Participants were 182 children in Grades 4 through 8. Felt gender compatibility (when operationalized as either self-perceived gender typicality or feelings of contentment with one's biological sex) was positively related to adjustment, whereas felt pressure and intergroup bias were negatively associated with adjustment. The results provide new insights into the role of gender identity in children's well-being, help identify sources of confusion in previous work, and suggest directions for future inquiry.Gender is a quintessential element of human identity. Given that one's gender assignment ordinarily is immutable and that many fundamental features of life-including the recreational, academic, occupational, and relationship activities that one is expected to pursue-are governed by gender, it seems likely that most people devote at least some time to reflecting on questions like these: How well do I fit with my gender category? Must I adhere to the stereotypes for my sex or am I free to explore cross-sex options? Is my sex superior or inferior to the other? We believe that beginning in childhood, people do ask these questions of themselves and, moreover, that their answers influence their psychosocial adjustment. The present study was designed to test these propositions.In our view, people's answers to the questions noted above represent components of their gender identity. We view gender identity as a multidimensional construct encompassing an individual's (a) knowledge of membership in a gender category, (b) felt compatibility with his or her gender group (i.e., self-perceptions of gender typicality as well as feelings of contentment with one's

Developed a peer nomination scale to assess the degree to which children are subjected to direct physical and verbal abuse by peers. Ss were 165 boys and girls in the third through sixth grades. About 10% of the children could be classified as extremely victimized. Age and sex differences in victimization were nonsignificant. Children's victimization scores were uncorrelated with their aggression scores (also assessed by peer nominations), were negatively correlated with peer acceptance, and were positively correlated with peer rejection. When children's victimization and aggression scores were treated as dual predictors of peer rejection, over half of the variance in peer rejection could be accounted for. Implications of the fact that a small group of children consistently serve as targets of peer aggression are discussed.

This study was designed to determine whether the personal and interpersonal difficulties that characterize victimized children are antecedents of victimization, consequences of victimization, or both. Boys and girls in the 3rd through 7th grades (N = 173, mean age = 11.3 years) were assessed on victimization, personal variables (internalizing problems, externalizing problems, and physical strength), and interpersonal variables (number of friends and peer rejection). One year later children were assessed again on all variables. Internalizing problems, physical weakness, and peer rejection contributed uniquely to gains in victimization over time. Moreover, initial victimization predicted increases in later internalizing symptoms and peer rejection. These reciprocal influences suggest the existence of a vicious cycle that supports the strong temporal stability of peer victimization.

This study evaluated the hypothesis that the behavior problems that place children at risk for victimization by peers are associated with victimization primarily when children are also at social risk for victimization. Social risk was defined as lacking supportive friends or as being rejected by the peer group. Participants were 229 boys and girls in the 3rd through 7th grades (M age = 11 years 2 months). As predicted, behavior problems (internalizing problems, externalizing problems, and physical weakness) were more strongly related to victimization when children had few friends, had friends who were incapable of fulfilling a protective function (e.g., were physically weak), or were rejected by peers than when children had more friends, had friends capable of defending them, or were better liked by peers. Results illustrate the principle that individual risk variables depend on social context for expression.

Two hypotheses were tested. The first was that low self-regard contributes over time to victimization by peers. The second was that behavioral vulnerabilities (e.g., physical weakness, manifest anxiety, poor social skills) are more likely to lead to victimization over time when children have low self-regard than when they are "self-protected" by healthy self-regard. Participants were 189 third-through 7th-grade boys and girls; data were collected in the fall and the spring of the school year. Both hypotheses were supported, especially when self-regard was assessed in terms of self-perceived peer social competence. In addition, the experience of being victimized led to diminished self-regard over time. Poor self-concept may play a central role in a vicious cycle that perpetuates and solidifies a child's status as a victim of peer abuse.