The scope of this paper is to quantify, for a wide selection of European fisheries, fishing tactics and strategies and to evaluate the benefits of adjusting the definition of fishing effort using these elements. Fishing tactics and strategies were identified by métiers choices and a series of indices. These indices have been derived to reflect shifts in tactics (within a fishing trip) and in strategies (within a year). The Shannon-Wiener spatial diversity indices of fishing tactics (FT_SW) and strategies (YE_SW) had the greatest impact on catch rates. In particular, FT_SW was always negatively correlated to catch rates. One may anticipate that during a fishing trip, vessels with high FT_SW have been searching fish aggregations for a long time, while vessels with low FT_SW have been more efficient in finding these aggregations. The linkage between YE_SW and catch rates was of a more complex nature. Adjusting fishing effort by means of (i) the métier effect and (ii) the indices of tactics and strategies generally led to a substantial gain in the precision of the relationship between fishing mortality and fishing effort. Résumé : L'objectif de cette étude est de quantifier, pour une large sélection de pêcheries européennes, les tactiques et stratégies de pêche, et d'évaluer dans quelle mesure ces éléments peuvent être utilisés pour mieux ajuster l'effort de pêche. Les tactiques et stratégies de pêche ont été identifiées par les choix de métiers et une série d'indices. Ces indices ont été calculés pour quantifier les changements de tactique (au cours d'une marée) et de stratégie (au cours d'une année). Les indices de Shannon-Wiener décrivant la distribution spatiale de l'effort de pêche au cours d'une marée (FT_SW) et d'une année (YE_SW) ont eu l'effet le plus important sur les taux de capture. En particulier, FT_SW était négativement corrélé aux taux de capture pour tous les cas d'étude. Ce résultat était prévisible. Au cours d'une marée, les bateaux caractérisés par un FT_SW élevé ont vraisemblablement cherché les agrégations de poisson pendant une longue période, tandis que les bateaux caractérisés par un faible FT_SW auront été plus efficaces pour localiser ces agrégations. Le lien entre YE_SW et les taux de capture était d'une nature plus complexe. L'ajustement de l'effort au moyen, (i) de l'effet métier et, (ii) des indices de tactique et de stratégie, conduit généralement à un gain substantiel de précision de la relation entre effort de pêche et mortalité par la pêche. Marchal et al. 533

Social scientists have largely abandoned the analysis of distinctions between tribal (family and clan) and industrial (marketplace and organizational) types of social relations.In this paper we draw a distinction between contractual and covenantal social relations which, we argue, parallels that societal level dichotomy on an interpersonal level. It is the thesis of this paper that contracts and covenants are alternative and qualitatively different types of social retations. As industrial societies have become increasingly contractual, the form and logic of the covenants have been ignored. In the present historical context of dominant power resting with individuals whose resources are created primarily within contractual social relations, covenantal forms tend largely to be denigrated. The social sciences, historically developed with presuppositions which also serve as the justification for contracts, have contributed to this denigration. We begin, therefore, by comparing the forra and logic covenants and contracts. Using thls distinction, we then analyze the controversy over new religions as iUustrative of the continuing structural conflict between these types of social relations. We conclude with a call for a sociology of religion which does not presuppose the logic of either type but rather is broad enough to encompass both contractual and covenantal social relations.Social scientists have largely abandoned the analysis of distinctions between tribal (family and clan) and industrial (marketplace and organizational) forms of social relations which informed the work of early theorists such as Toennies, Durkheim, Main, Redfield and Wirth. As contemporary theorists increasingly have come to rely upon theory appropriate only to the indust¡ form, ah important qualitative distinction has been obscured. The thesis developed "The authors wish to acknowledge helpful comments and suggestions on ah earlier draft of this paper by Lyrm Davidman, Lynn Nelson, James Spickard, and Stanley Strong. This research was partially supported by the Faculty Grant-in-Aid Program of Virginia Commonwealth University. Authorship in this paper is ordered alphabetically. 15Sat University of Exeter on July 28, 2015 http://socrel.oxfordjournals.org/ Downloaded from 16S SOCIOLOGICAL ANALY$IS in this paper is that covenantal social relations, which characterize families, clans, and religious groups, are usefuUy tmderstood as an alternative and qualitatively different form of social relations from the contractual social relations which characterize markets and organizations.Recently there has been some renewed recognŸ by complex organization theorists that both qualitatively different forms of social relations similar to those we describe here are contained in many organizations and in various mixes. For example, in the process of empirically distinguishing between organizational forros, Ouichi and Johnson (1978: 293,310) note~l that the abstractions they formulated bote "a striking similarity to earlier and, by now, classic desc¡ of whole soci...

RELIGIOUS FAITH HISTORICALLY has held a privileged status in American society, and individuals' religious identities were relatively stable and usually connected through individuals' biographies. In recent times, it has become more common for individuals both to adopt a series of involvements and affiliations that parallel serial occupation, community, and familial careers and to elect degrees of religious involvement (ranging from expression of no religious preference to intense involvement in totalistic religious communities) consistent with other role commitments. It has been these more fluid patterns of religious identification that have made disaffiliation of interest to scholars and churches alike.At least four apparently unrelated recent trends are central to growing scholarly interest in religious affiliation and disaffiliation processes. First, there is evidence that some Americans have been withdrawing from religious involvement. One manifestation of this trend has been a notable increase in the percentage of Americans reporting no religious preference. Should this increase continue and become intergenerational it would, of course, constitute a very significant form of disaffiliation. Another manifestation has been a tendency for youths to abandon religious affiliations upon reaching adulthood. If this pattern is not simply a temporary interruption of religious affiliation, it signals a major decline in American religiosity. If it is an interruption, it emphasizes the serial nature of contemporary religious David G. Bromley is a professor of sociology, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond. 164Counseling and Values / April 1991 / Vol. 35

Cultural constructions of marriage have developed to form 2 marital values orientations. These marital values can be understood along a continuum from covenantal at 1 pole to contractual at the other pole. Covenantal marital values prioritize individual sacrifice for the marriage to promote marital health, commitment, and vow taking to resolve conflict, the collective dyad as the primary unit of the marriage, and often spiritual intervention as a primary means of restoring order. Contractual marital values prioritize individual self‐actualization to promote marital health, negotiation, and mutual agreement to resolve conflict, the individual as the primary unit of the marriage, and clinical and psychological interventions as a primary means of restoring order. The authors developed a 26‐item scale to measure contractual and covenantal marital values. In 3 studies examining a total of 786 student and community participants, the factor structure of the scale was evaluated, and convergent and discriminant construct validity, item internal consistency, and 4‐week test–retest reliability were examined.

By evoking outrage at the alleged acts of a religious group, newspaper accounts of atrocities serve to validate “evil” and thereby legitimize social control.

No abstract

No abstract

Religion as a social form is constructed to provide adherents with a sense of empowerment and control. Rituals that involve a risk of physical or psychological injury or even death therefore would appear anomalous and indeed are frequently the objects of social scientific and journalistic denigration. Firewalking and serpent handling exemplify such rituals. I argue that these two radical ritual practices, which I term spiritual edgework, provide a valuable sociological window on how radical ritual practices are socially constructed. The social construction process involves the identification of a mythically relevant edge that offers: both contingency and certainty; individual and collective preparation for the impending edgework during which tensions are elevated for later ritual resolution; a ritualized process for successfully navigating the edge; and postedgework accounts that neutralize potential disconfirming injuries or deaths.Theorists from Durkheim to Marx to Freud to Berger have observed that religion constitutes one important socially constructed form through which humans create a sense of empowerment and control, although they interpret the source, nature, and purpose of empowerment and control very differently. A foundational assumption of classic sociological interpretations of religionthat the transcendent is socially constructed-is critical to the issue of empowerment and control. 1 If the transcendent is socially constructed as an autonomous source of power, independent of humans, then it can be potentially both constraining and liberating, as has been noted in formulations of the holy (Durkheim 1965;Otto 1923). It follows that groups determine, through the way the transcendent is constructed, the extent of constraint/liberation to which they are subject and the means through which the transcendent can be apprehended and influenced. In fact, this is a common theme in sociological theory and empirical work on religious groups.In sociological theorizing about religious organizations, for example, one important dimension is the degree of empowerment and control that different types of organizations authorize. Important distinctions between sects and churches include sects' stronger connection with the transcendent and dramatic manifestations of transcendent power that yield for adherents a heightened sense of empowerment and control. Analyses of religious innovation in various forms-revival and revitalization movements, new religious movements, formation of religious communes, movements within established churches, and sectarian/schismatic movements-also identify heightened empowerment and control through spiritual means as a major impetus in their formation. Further, analyses of various types of religious innovation emphasize the search for heightened empowerment and control that is likely to occur during time periods and social locations characterized by structural tensions that are associated with a sense of disempowerment and lack of control.There are numerous practices through which religious gr...