BackgroundAs low-income countries strive to meet targets for Millennium Development Goals 4 and 5, there is growing need to track coverage and quality of high-impact peripartum interventions. At present, nationally representative household surveys conducted in low-income settings primarily measure contact with the health system, shedding little light on content or quality of care. The objective of this study is to validate the ability of women in Mozambique to report on facility-based care they and their newborns received during labor and one hour postpartum.Methods and FindingsThe study involved household interviews with women in Mozambique whose births were observed eight to ten months previously as part of a survey of the quality of maternal and newborn care at government health facilities. Of 487 women whose births were observed and who agreed to a follow-up interview, 304 were interviewed (62.4%). The validity of 34 indicators was tested using two measures: area under receiver operator characteristic curve (AUC) and inflation factor (IF); 27 indicators had sufficient numbers for robust analysis, of which four met acceptability criteria for both (AUC >0.6 and 0.75
This study ascertains the characteristics of individuals and their life styles that are differentially related to the risk of personal larceny victimization. Using the "routine activity" perspective recently explicated by Cohen and Felson (1979), we analyze 1975-76 National Crime Survey victimization data for the entire United States. The effects of age, race, income, major activity, and number of persons in the household are examined independently and in interaction, via log-linear techniques. The data indicate that those with a family income of $20,000 or more a year, sixteen through twenty-nine year olds, people who live alone, and persons who are unemployed all face greater than average risks of being victimized by personal larceny. In contrast, those with a family income of less than $10,000 per year, those who are fifty or older, and those whose major activity is "keeping house" have less than average odds of being the victims of a personal larceny. These findings are discussed within the routine activity framework and are seen as providing substantial support for this perspective, indicating that it holds considerable promise as a base from which to develop a general theory of criminal victimization.Recent theoretical work in criminology has focused on the explanation of observed differences in victimization probabilities (Hindelang, Gottfredson, and Garofalo, 1978;Cohen and Felson, 1979). In contrast to traditional explanations in which offender motivation is the predominant concern, these efforts have attended explicitly to patterned behaviors, routine activities, and characteristics of targets of criminal behavior as mechanisms by which the risk of criminal victimization may be explained. Although all citizens are potential victims of crime, the circumstances under which many criminal violations occur are neither random nor accidental; rather, they are structurally significant phenomena. The likelihood that an individual will fall victim to an offense is viewed here as depending largely on the spatio-temporal organization of human activities. This study emphasizes that both the social characteristics of individuals and features of their life LAWRENCE E.
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