Cross-border cooperation among domestic regulators and public officials has become a defining feature of global governance. While a number of studies have tracked the emergence and institutionalization of such transgovernmental networks, less is known about their effect on domestic policy. This study explores this link for the important case of insider-trading regulation in original data for 116 countries between 1977 and 2006. It offers quantitative evidence that transgovernmental cooperation is related to domestic policy convergence but that the relationship is more complex than often assumed. Direct ties to powerful regulators increases a jurisdiction's likelihood of adopting internationally promoted policies such as insider-trading rules. Separately, membership in the International Organization of Securities Commissions (IOSCO), a forum designed to diffuse best practices among regulators, increases a jurisdiction's likelihood of subsequently enforcing newly adopted policies. The findings in this study suggest that different network components are associated with distinct aspects of domestic policy convergence. The results are directly relevant for current public policy debates about the reregulation of global financial markets as transgovernmental networks among domestic regulators have assumed a critical role.
Transgovernmental cooperation among domestic regulators has generated considerable interest among scholars and policymakers. While previous research has focused on describing such regulatory networks, we know very little about what drives individual jurisdictions to join them. The question of membership is important because it determines the reach of rules and standards promulgated by a given network, and because it is logically prior to understanding the rulemaking dynamic within a network. We develop a set of hypotheses that highlight the role of domestic political factors in shaping network membership. Our empirical analysis, using an original data set for transgovernmental cooperation in securities and insurance regulation, finds that the institutional form of domestic market regulation, as well as the relative domestic weight of the industry, are closely correlated with membership. All else equal, jurisdictions with independent regulatory agencies and those where the industry in question represents a large share of gross domestic product are much more likely to join the respective network than jurisdictions without these characteristics. The paper underscores the important interactions between domestic and international factors for informal cooperation, an issue that has become increasingly central to global governance.
Although industry self-regulation has developed into a preferred regulatory strategy for the digital economy, self-regulatory solutions adopted in the U.S. and the European Union differ considerably. We argue that variation in the shadow of public power-the public sector tools employed to induce industry collective action-sets the two on distinct self-regulatory trajectories. Legalistic self-regulation dominates in the U.S. and coordinated self-regulation in Europe. Expectations derived from the model are evaluated in case studies of online content regulation and personal data privacy protection.
Over the last three decades, the pharmaceutical and cosmetics industries have become increasingly global. To ensure product safety and consumer protection, regulators in leading markets have applied domestic rules extraterritorially and have joined forces to harmonize rules through transgovernmental cooperation. Yet whereas the United States has long been the dominant player in international market regulation of pharmaceuticals, the European Union has decisively shaped global rules for cosmetics. What explains differences in agenda setting power across the two closely-related industries? We compare and contrast the expectations of a realist account focused on market size and a liberal functionalist argument centered on the role of market friction with a historical institutionalist explanation stressing the relative sequential development over time of domestic regulatory capacity in leading markets. The empirical evidence shows that domestic regulatory institutions systematically shape international market regulation. Historical institutionalism provides an important complement to existing transgovernmental research, offering clear expectations for the origins of and terms of influence within such cooperation. More generally, it opens up a rich toolbox for the analysis of industry-level global market governance, which affects the daily lives of many millions of consumers.
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