The concept of anti-racism reflects the insight that not being racist is insufficient, because the failure to actively and explicitly address dominant structures and discourses surrounding ethnic-racial inequalities only reinforces the (racist) status quo (Bonilla-Silva, 2015;Kendi, 2019;Lewis et al., 2020;Neville et al., 2013). An important first step in anti-racism is acknowledging that racial categories were socially constructed to justify the oppression and exploitation of other humans for profit (e.g., Kendi, 2019;Lewis et al., 2020;Richeson & Sommers, 2016). Research shows that White majority parents predominantly support an ideology in which ethnic-racial difference should not be seen or talked about, claiming that they do not "see" color, and therefore treat everybody equally (e.g., Katz, 2003;Vittrup, 2018). However, given the overwhelming evidence of systemic racism in Western societies (e.g., Feagin & Elias, 2013;Lentin, 2008), silence about ethnicracial difference ignores-and, therefore, perpetuatesvery real differences in the societal experiences of people with different ethnic-racial identities and can arguably be defined as racist in and of itself (Bonilla-Silva, 2015;Richeson & Sommers, 2016). Thus, anti-racist socialization of children in the family context can only be achieved when parents first acknowledge ethnic-racial difference.

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Black Pete, a blackface figure, is a popular but controversial part of the Dutch Sinterklaas festivity. Many ethnically Dutch people do not consider the figure to be a racist phenomenon and prefer not to change the figure, although many Black people in the Netherlands consider the figure to be racist. Prior research and public discourse suggest that national identity and wanting to maintain group dominance may explain why many ethnically Dutch people do not want to change the figure. Using a person-centered approach, we investigated if subgroups could be identified whose positive attitudes towards Black Pete and Sinterklaas clustered with high national identification or social dominance orientation (SDO) among Dutch university students (N = 174). Three subgroups were identified. The high national identification group scored high on positive attitudes towards Sinterklaas, Black Pete, and national identity but low on SDO. The high SDO group scored high on positive attitudes towards Sinterklaas, Black Pete, and SDO but low on national identity. The neutral-indifferent group scored low on these variables. Additionally, using a variable-centered approach, we investigated if higher national identification and SDO would be associated with stronger positive towards Sinterklaas and Black Pete. Higher national identification, but not SDO, was associated with stronger positive attitudes towards Sinterklaas. However, national identification and SDO were both associated with stronger positive attitudes towards Black Pete. These findings suggest that many people who prefer not to change Black Pete also have identity concerns or a preference for cultural dominance.