We examined posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and depression symptom trajectories during ongoing exposure to political violence, seeking to identify psychologically resilient individuals and the factors that predict resilience. Face-to-face interviews were conducted with a random sample of 1196 Palestinian adult residents of the West Bank, Gaza, and East Jerusalem across three occasions, six months apart (September, 2007–November,2008). Latent growth mixture modeling identified PTSD, and depression symptom trajectories. Results identified three PTSD trajectories: moderate-improving (73% moderate symptoms at baseline, improving over time), severe-chronic (23.2% severe and elevated symptoms over the entire year); and severe-improving (3.5% severe symptoms at baseline and marked improvement over time). Depression trajectories were moderate-improving (61.5%); severe-chronic (24.4%); severe-improving (14.4%). Predictors of relatively less severe initial symptom severity, and improvement over time for PTSD were less political violence exposure and less resource loss; and for depression were younger age, less political violence exposure, lower resource loss, and greater social support. Loss of psychosocial and material resources was associated with the level of distress experienced by participants at each time period, suggesting that resource-based interventions that target personal, social and financial resources could benefit people exposed to chronic trauma.

We offer a functional perspective on hate, showing that hate has a unique pattern of appraisals and action tendencies. Hate is based on perceptions of a stable, negative disposition of persons or groups. We hate persons and groups more because of who they are, than because of what they do. Hate has the goal to eliminate its target. Hate is especially significant at the intergroup level, where it turns already devalued groups into victims of hate. When shared among group members, hate can spread fast in conflict zones where people are exposed to hate-based violence, which further feeds their hate. Hate can be reassuring and self-protective, because its message is simple and helps confirming people's belief in a just world.

Does ongoing exposure to political violence prompt subject groups to support or oppose compromise in situations of intractable conflict? If so, what is the mechanism underlying these processes? Political scholarship neither offers conclusive arguments nor sufficiently addresses individual-level forms of exposure to violence in the context of political conflict, particularly the factors mediating political outcomes. We address this by looking at the impact of exposure to political violence, psychological distress, perceived threat, and ethos of conflict on support for political compromise. A mediated model is hypothesized whereby exposure to political violence provokes support for the ethos of conflict and hinders support for compromise through perceived psychological distress and perceived national threat. We examined representative samples of two parties to the same conflict: Israelis (N ¼ 781) and Palestinians from Gaza, East Jerusalem, and the West Bank (N ¼ 1,196). The study's main conclusion is that ethos of conflict serves as a mediating variable in the

Does exposure to political violence prompt civilians to support peace? We investigate the determinants of civilian attitudes toward peace during ongoing conflict using two original panel datasets representing Israelis (n=996) and Palestinians in East Jerusalem, the West Bank and Gaza (n=631) (149 communities in total). A multi-group estimation analysis shows that individual-level exposure to terrorism and political violence makes the subject populations less likely to support peace efforts. The findings also confirm psychological distress and threat perceptions as the mechanism that bridges exposure to violence and greater militancy over time. The study breaks ground in showing that individual-level exposure – necessarily accompanied by psychological distress and threat perceptions – is key to understanding civilians’ refusal to compromise in prolonged conflict.

Little is known about the impact of traumatic experiences and stressful life conditions on people in low-income countries who live in conditions of ongoing political violence. In order to determine the prevalence and predictors of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and major depression (MD) among Palestinians subjected to chronic political violence and upheaval, we used a stratified multi-stage cluster random sampling strategy to interview a representative sample of 1,200 Palestinian adults living in Gaza, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem. Prevalence of PTSD/MD for men living in the West Bank, Gaza, and East Jerusalem was 25.4%/29.9%, 22.6%/27.6%, and 16.1%/16.1%, respectively. For women, the prevalence of PTSD/MD was 23.8%/29.0%, 23.9%/28.9%, and 19.7%/27.6%. Among men, PTSD was significantly positively associated with age group, two or more incidences of political violence (compared to none), greater intrapersonal resource loss, and loss of faith in government. MD was positively associated with experiencing exposure to one, or two or more, incidences of political violence (compared to none), and greater interpersonal and intrapersonal resource loss. Among women, PTSD was positively associated with greater interpersonal and intrapersonal resource loss, and MD was positively associated with death of a loved one, two or more socio-political stressors (compared to none) previous to the past year, one or more socio-political stressors (compared to none) in the past year, and greater interpersonal and intrapersonal resource loss. Interpersonal and intrapersonal resource losses were consistently associated with PTSD and MD, suggesting potential targets for intervention and prevention efforts and thus provide important keys to treatment in areas of ongoing conflict.

Exposure to political violence can lead to various political and psychological outcomes. Using the protracted Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a natural laboratory, we explore the way in which exposure to conflict violence leads to changes in citizens’ political attitudes and behavior, offering a model for a stress-based process of political extremism. This model encapsulates three basic components in a causal chain leading to political extremism: exposure to political violence, psychological distress, and enhanced perceptions of threat. We find that prolonged exposure to political violence increases psychological distress, which in turn evokes stronger perceptions of threat that foment political attitudes eschewing compromise and favoring militarism. This causal chain fuels a destructive cycle of violence that is hard to break. Understanding these psychological and political consequences of exposure to political violence can help to shed light on the barriers that too often stymie peacemaking efforts and contribute to the deterioration of intractable conflicts around the globe. Thus, this review offers insights applicable to conflict zones around the world and suggests policy implications for therapeutic intervention and potential pathways to conflict resolution.

One thousand one hundred and ninety six Palestinian adults living in the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem were interviewed beginning in September 2007 and again at 6-and 12-month intervals. Using structural equation modeling, we focused on the effects of exposure to political violence, psychosocial and economic resource loss, and social support, on psychological distress, and the association of each of these variables on subjective health. Our proposed mediation model was partially supported. Exposure to political violence, psychosocial resource loss, and social support were related to subjective health, fully mediated by their relationship with psychological distress. Female sex and being older were also directly related to poorer subjective health and partially mediated via psychological distress. Greater economic resource loss, lower income, and poorer education were directly related to poor subjective health. An alternative model exploring subjective health as a mediator of psychological distress revealed that subjective health partially mediated the relationship between resource loss and psychological distress. The associate between female sex, education, income, and age on psychological distress were fully mediated by subjective health. Social support and exposure to political violence were directly related to psychological distress. These results were discussed in terms of the importance of resource loss on both mental and physical health in regions of chronic political violence and potential intervention strategies. KeywordsPTSD; resource loss; trauma; political violence; occupation; war; health Political-military occupation, conflict, and violence may have substantial public health implications, affecting both mental and physical health. In low income regions of the world, political violence may also result in a critical deterioration in economic conditions, educational and social services, availability of food and goods, and the availability of employment and income (Cardozo, Vergara, Agani, & Gotway, 2000;Johnson & Thompson, 2008;de Jong et al., 2001; Ai Al, Person & Ubelhor, 2002) . The little researchPublisher's Disclaimer: The following manuscript is the final accepted manuscript. It has not been subjected to the final copyediting, fact-checking, and proofreading required for formal publication. It is not the definitive, publisher-authenticated version. The American Psychological Association and its Council of Editors disclaim any responsibility or liabilities for errors or omissions of this manuscript version, any version derived from this manuscript by NIH, or other third parties. The published version is available at www.apa.org/journals/tra NIH Public Access Author ManuscriptPsychol Trauma. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2013 January 1. Published in final edited form as:Psychol Trauma. 2012 January 1; 4(1): 9-21. doi:10.1037/a0018743. NIH-PA Author ManuscriptNIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript in this field has mainly focused on mental health outcomes of poli...

Does nonviolent repression prompt subject groups to obey or rebel? By what mechanism does it do so? To address these questions, we exploit a natural experiment based on a 2009 policy toward the "easement" of checkpoints-nonviolent impediments to movement-in the West Bank. We sample populations across 17 villages (n = 599), beside one checkpoint slated for easement (treatment) and one that will undergo no change (control), before and after the intervention. We then pursue difference-in-difference estimation. This design is experimental, as easement was orthogonal to Palestinian attitudes; for robustness, we test our findings against an independent panel (n = 1,200). We find that easement makes subject populations less likely to support violence; we suggest humiliation as the mechanism bridging nonviolent repression with militancy. This warrants rethinking Israeli security policy, as short-term concerns over Palestinian mobility may be compromising Israel's long-term interests. By extension, checkpoint easement may positively affect peace negotiations.The checkpoints prevented hundreds of terrorist attacks against the Israeli population.-Israeli Ministry of Justice 1 I don't know how many terrorists decided to take up arms against Israel when they were standing in the sun for hours at checkpoints.-Peace Now 2