Inflammasomes are multiprotein complexes that include members of the NOD-like receptor family and caspase-1. Caspase-1 is required for the fusion of the Legionella vacuole with lysosomes. Caspase-11, independently of the inflammasome, also promotes phagolysosomal fusion. However, it is unclear how these proteases alter intracellular trafficking. Here, we show that caspase-11 and caspase-1 function in opposing manners to phosphorylate and dephosphorylate cofilin, respectively upon infection with Legionella. Caspase-11 targets cofilin via the RhoA GTPase, whereas caspase-1 engages the Slingshot phosphatase. The absence of either caspase-11 or caspase-1 maintains actin in the polymerized or depolymerized form, respectively and averts the fusion of pathogen-containing vacuoles with lysosomes. Therefore, caspase-11 and caspase-1 converge on the actin machinery with opposing effects to promote vesicular trafficking.
reject expressive objections to markets on the grounds that (1) market symbolism is culturally contingent, and (2) contingent cultural symbols are less important than the benefits markets offer. I grant (1) and (2), but I deny that these points suffice as grounds to dismiss expressive critiques of markets. For many plausible expressive critiques of markets are not symbolic critiques at all. Rather, they are critiques grounded in the idea that some market transactions embody morally inappropriate normative stances toward the goods or services on offer. Two Kinds of Expressive Critiques of Markets JASON BRENNAN AND Peter Jaworski (2015) argue that we should reject semiotic moral objections to markets. By 'semiotic objections,' they mean objections with the following character, which they take to be very common in the anti-commodification literature (see,
Deliberative democracy aspires to secure political liberty by making citizens the authors of their laws. But how can it do this in the face of deep disagreement, not to mention imperfect knowledge and limited altruism? Deliberative democracy can secure political liberty by affording each citizen an equal position as a co-author of public laws and norms. Moreover, fundamental deliberative democracy-in which institutional design is ultimately accountable to public deliberation but not necessarily subject to its direct control-does not strain knowledge or altruism. Thus, there is a place for deliberative democracy in a robust political economy.
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