In the Algonquian language Arapaho, epenthetic vowels only show up if they can attract an underlying floating high tone. I argue that this co-dependency of tone and epenthesis should not be analysed as tone-triggered epenthesis (which has been claimed not to exist, Blumenfeld 2006). Instead, I conclude that the pattern should be analysed as an opaque interaction of epenthesis, tone assignment and vowel deletion. Since the epenthetic vowel is first inserted and later deleted, this interaction constitutes an instance of what is called a Duke-of-York gambit or derivation -more precisely a feeding Duke-of-York derivation, because the epenthetic vowel leaves traces behind. This type of opacity is conceptually intriguing for both constraint and rule-based models of phonology, but proves especially problematic for Optimality Theory (OT). I claim that the best analysis with constraint-based frameworks lies in the adoption of Stratal OT (Kiparsky 2000; Bermúdez-Otero 2011). Epenthesis applies in a first stratum where the epenthetic vowel is involved in segmental processes, deletion then applies on a higher stratum.

Transparent segments have been a well known challenge for accounts of patterns of long distance agreement, such as vowel and consonant harmony. Two standard ways to account for transparency are autosegmental feature spreading with underspecification (e.g. Kiparsky 1981; Steriade 1987) and Agreement by Correspondence (ABC; Walker 2000; Walker & Rose 2004; Hansson 2001). Both, however, fail to derive the multiple instances of transparency encountered in Tsilhqút'í­n (Cook 1993; 2013). Here, non-retracted dorsals act both as transparent and as opaque to the process of vowel retraction, depending on which side of the trigger, a retracted sibilant, they are located. On the other hand, both retracted and non-retracted dorsals are transparent in sibilant harmony, in which sibilants are forced to agree in retraction. I propose a superset approach that combines feature spreading and underspecification with ABC: All dorsals are transparent in sibilant harmony, because they are outside the correspondence relation. At the first step of the derivation, non-retracted dorsals are not specified for retraction, allowing them to be transparent to regressive retraction. At a later step, they are negatively specified and hence able to block progressive retraction.

Seemingly non-local phonological operations triggered by inflectional exponents have been observed in a number of languages. Focussing on de-spirantization in Barwar Aramaic, accent shift in Lithuanian, ni-insertion in Quechua, ruki rule application in Sanskrit, and vowel harmony in Kazakh, we argue that these phenomena should be analyzed as strictly local phonological reflexes of movement in a pre-syntactic autonomous morphological component. Such morphological movement is shown to arise without further assumptions under the approach to inflectional morphology based on Harmonic Serialism (McCarthy 2016) developed in Müller 2020. Here, each morphological operation immediately gives rise to an optimization procedure, morphological structure-building is subject to simple alignment constraints, and counter-cyclic operations are precluded. Against this background, phonological reflexes of movement are predicted to show up when a potentially complete word triggers a phonological cycle, which is then followed by morphological movement. Finally, we argue that constraint-driven morphological movement is superior to alternative accounts based on (i) non-local phonology, (ii) base-derivative faithfulness, (iii) phonological movement, (iv) counter-cyclic operations (interfixation, lowering, local dislocation), (v) syntactic movement, and (vi) strata.