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Individual differences in distress and restraint have recently been validated as two superordinate dimensions of social-emotional adjustment (Weinberger, 1989). In two samples (N1 = 139; N2 = 136) of university students, scores on these dimensions were jointly used to define six higher order personality styles: reactive, sensitized, oversocialized, undersocialized, self-assured, and repressive. To evaluate this typology, group differences were investigated on 28 measures within seven domains related to adjustment: self-expression, emotional control, proneness to personality disorders, physical illness, self-concept, neurotic symptoms, and impulse gratification. One-way multivariate analyses of variance revealed significant group differences within each domain. Univariate analyses revealed significant differences on 26 of the 28 measures and marginally significant differences on the remaining 2. A large number of nonadditive patterns consistent with a priori group descriptions corroborated the utility of a person-centered, typological approach. The data also provided an empirically derived, prototypic description of each adjustment style.

This study examined cardiovascular patterns following happiness, sadness, anger, fear, relaxation, and control imagery in 32 subjects while they were seated and while they exercised. Affective imagery was an effective strategy for inducing reliable patterns of systolic and diastolic blood pressure and heart rate associated with particular emotional states. Anger, rather than fear, produced the greatest overall increases in cardiovascular measures and was distinctly opposite from relaxation. Anger differed from fear and all other conditions in terms of greater increases in diastolic pressure following imagery and greater increases in heart rate and slower recovery of systolic pressure following exercise. Sadness was unique in that systolic pressure and heart rate were virtually as high when subjects were still as when they were actually moving. Furthermore, sadness was the one emotional state that seemed to interfere with the cardiovascular adjustments normally associated with exercise. Implications of these findings for current biobehavioral models of emotion, including the role that specific emotions may play in the pathogenesis and treatment of cardiovascular disease, are considered.

The relationship of daily uplifts and hassles to adaptational outcomes has gained increasing attention in recent years. However, investigators have focused considerably more on hassles than uplifts. In an attempt to rectify this trend, the present study examines the relationship of uplifts and hassles to anxiety, depression, distress, self-restraint, perceived sup-port from friends, perceived social competence, and general self-worth in a sample of 23 sixth graders (141 girls). Results indicate that both hassles and uplifts are substantially related to these outcomes in the expected direction, with the exception of a modest positive association between uplift and anxiety for girls. Moreover, in most cases uplifts add significantly to the relationship between hassles and outcomes, thus high-lighting the importance of uplifts. Other findings idicate that uplifts/hassles patterns vary as a function of gender and the particular outcome being considered. Similarities to and differences from adult findings are discussed in regard to gender-role and general development.

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In the course of social development, family influences seem to become partly internalized and transformed into personality characteristics that regulate behavior outside the family sphere. In a longitudinal study of 81 boys and their families, we hypothesized that individual differences in boys' self-restraint would serve as a mediator between family factors in preadolescence and sons' delinquent behavior 4 years later. Measures were derived from principal components analyses of multiple indices of each construct as assessed by multiple informants. As expected, parenting practices measured at both pre- and mid-adolescence predicted delinquent acts only indirectly via their association with boys' self-restraint. In addition, general family functioning at preadolescence, independent of other scores, predicted boys' levels of self-restraint 4 years later. There was no evidence that boys' self-restraint at preadolescence systematically affected the quality of parenting that they subsequently received. Parents' and families' role in children's development of self-regulatory skills may be a primary vehicle by which they ultimately influence adolescents' problem behaviors.

Although repressors' avoidant coping style seems genuinely defensive, an alternative hypothesis is that repressors are actually distress-prone impression managers who provide "socially desirable" verbal reports. To establish discriminant validity, 30 repressors and 30 self-identified impression managers participated in a timed phrase-completion task. Half of the subjects were encouraged to be emotionally expressive and half to be restrained. Repressors were highly defensive regardless of the social demand, and impression managers only managed to match the repressors' level of distancing during the first segment of the inhibitive condition. Repressors were as physiologically reactive when they made defensive claims as they were when they made more negative disclosures to others. Moreover, when confronted, only the repressors denied that their heart rate elevations might be related to their emotional responses. These findings suggest that repressors' limited emotional expression is more determined by defenses against awareness of affect than by self-presentational concerns.

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