Taking Santiago de Chile as an example, this practice review explores urban policy-making and spatial planning in a globalized city. Based on an empirical study, it presents insights into the experiences, observations and recommendations of urban development stakeholders from the public, private and civil society sectors. First of all, the article highlights the main characteristics of public policies and spatial planning in Santiago as well as their relevance in the process of urban development. Second, it examines the sociopolitical conditions that either facilitate or hamper policy and planning efforts. The contribution concludes that if the task of improving urban policy and planning is to be taken seriously, it must go hand in hand with addressing overall problems of urban governance.
Verwiebe (2019): Middle-class struggles against highrise construction in Buenos Aires. Urban democratization or enforcement of particular interests?, Urban Geography,
This study addresses the spatial‐political impact and lasting emancipatory potential of urban development conflicts. It is based on a case from Santiago de Chile, where activists from different social backgrounds struggle against processes of gentrification and structural densification within the context of current urban planning measures. The (temporary) peak of the conflict constituted a referendum, by means of which the social movements were able to refuse a new land‐use plan. Theoretically, the article builds on the combination of radical democratic and spatial perspectives. A frame analysis serves to capture the spatial‐political approach for the empirical analysis. Findings reveal a range of emancipatory practices, such as counter‐hegemonic and self‐organized housing and planning policies. Furthermore, my research shows that maintaining agonistic spaces enables experimental social orderings that symbolize sustained contestations of neoliberal spatial policy.
In 2010, some 13,000 people occupied the second-largest park in Buenos Aires, located in the most deprived area of the city. The city and state governments reacted with violent repression leading to three deaths. After government officials promised that a housing program would be provided, the problem was viewed as “solved.” However, four years later not a single home had been built. Interpretive frames and political practices in Buenos Aires were influenced by the conflict, and this ultimately strengthened the positions of the national and local governments. This, in turn, intensified structural discrimination against lower-income groups in Buenos Aires. Thus, far from bringing about sustainable housing solutions, the occupation reinforced policies of security and sanction. En 2010, cerca de 13,000 personas ocuparon el segundo parque más grande de Buenos Aires, ubicado en la zona más pobre de la ciudad. Los gobiernos de la ciudad y del estado reaccionaron con una violenta represión que causó tres muertes. Después de que los funcionarios gubernamentales prometieron establecer un programa de vivienda, el problema se dio por “solucionado.” Sin embargo, cuatro años más tarde no se había construido ni una sola casa. Los marcos interpretativos y las prácticas políticas en Buenos Aires se vieron influenciados por el conflicto, y esto terminó por reforzar las posiciones de los gobiernos nacionales y locales. Esto, a su vez, intensificó la discriminación estructural contra los grupos de más bajos ingresos en Buenos Aires. Por consiguiente, lejos de traer soluciones de vivienda sostenibles, la ocupación reforzó las políticas de seguridad y sanción.
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