The study of phonotactics is a central topic in phonology. We propose a theory of phonotactic grammars and a learning algorithm that constructs such grammars from positive evidence. Our grammars consist of constraints that are assigned numerical weights according to the principle of maximum entropy. The grammars assess possible words on the basis of the weighted sum of their constraint violations. The learning algorithm yields grammars that can capture both categorical and gradient phonotactic patterns. The algorithm is not provided with constraints in advance, but uses its own resources to form constraints and weight them. A baseline model, in which Universal Grammar is reduced to a feature set and an SPE-style constraint format, suffices to learn many phonotactic phenomena. In order for the model to learn nonlocal phenomena such as stress and vowel harmony, it must be augmented with autosegmental tiers and metrical grids. Our results thus offer novel, learning-theoretic support for such representations. We apply the model in a variety of learning simulations, showing that the learned grammars capture the distributional generalizations of these languages and accurately predict the findings of a phonotactic experiment.

There is an active debate within the field of phonology concerning the cognitive status of substantive phonetic factors such as ease of articulation and perceptual distinctiveness. A new framework is proposed in which substance acts as a bias, or prior, on phonological learning. Two experiments tested this framework with a method in which participants are first provided highly impoverished evidence of a new phonological pattern, and then tested on how they extend this pattern to novel contexts and novel sounds. Participants were found to generalize velar palatalization (e.g., the change from [k] as in keep to [t ʃ] as in cheap) in a way that accords with linguistic typology, and that is predicted by a cognitive bias in favor of changes that relate perceptually similar sounds. Velar palatalization was extended from the mid front vowel context (i.e., before [e] as in cape) to the high front vowel context (i.e., before [i] as in keep), but not vice versa. The key explanatory notion of perceptual similarity is quantified with a psychological model of categorization, and the substantively biased framework is formalized as a conditional random field. Implications of these results for the debate on substance, theories of phonological generalization, and the formalization of similarity are discussed.

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Taupo volcanic centre has been active for c. 300 000 years. Since the c. 26.5 ka caldera-forming Oruanui eruption 28 eruptions have occurred from Taupo, varying between 0.1 and >45 km 3 in minimum bulk volume, and with repose periods ranging from c. 20 to 6000 years. All magma erupted post-26.5 ka is compositionally and mineralogically distinct from pre-Oruanui and Oruanui eruptives, and is inferred to have formed at or after 26.5 ka. Four post-Oruanui magma types are identified on the basis of whole rock and mineral compositions: one dacitic, forming three eruptions between 20.5 ka and 17 ka, and three subtly distinct rhyolite compositions erupted in discrete periods from 11.8 to 9.95, 7.05 to 2.75 and 2.15 to 1.74 ka. Stepwise compositional variations between, and limited variation within, rhyolite groups suggest emplacement of three petrogenetically separate batches of magma within only 10 000 years. The 15-35 km 3 of magma erupted at 1.77 ka evidently appeared in <10 3 years; this short residence time may have contributed to the lack of zonation within this magma chamber. Taupo is unusual amongst large rhyolite volcanoes in terms of the high frequency of activity since 26.5 ka, rapid stepwise changes in rhyolite compositions, and insignificant differentiation within individual subgroups. These traits are attributed to the combined effects of the extensional arc setting, thermal energy from mafic magma, and the shallow slope of the plagioclase-saturated rhyolite liquidus.