Introducción La llegada de la COVID-19 a Chile con un primer caso detectado el 3 de marzo de 2020 pareció una extensión de la crisis social y política vivida a partir del estallido del 18 de octubre de 2019. Al igual que ante las masivas protestas, el gobierno declaró un estado de excepción constitucional: de Emergencia en el primer caso, de Catástrofe en el segundo, sacando a los militares a la calle y decretando el toque de queda nocturno. Con ambos fenómenos las personas vieron alteradas sus rutinas, interrumpidos sus trabajos y amenazada la provisión de alimentos y servicios básicos. Pero si el estallido lanzó a millones a las calles con el lema "Chile despertó", la demanda por "dignidad" y el rechazo a los abusos del sistema político-económico, la COVID-19 les regresó de golpe a sus hogares para prevenir el contagio.
Chile's 1989 constitutional reforms constituted a trade‐off: the military gave up protected democracy provisions but acquired greater autonomy. The democratic opposition could accept or reject, but not modify, constitutional changes proposed by the outgoing dictatorship. This study addresses a very limited time period in the transition to democracy: the moment after the transition has been secured and transitional rules have been established. The dynamics of this period differ markedly from those in the larger democratic transition. The approach in this study complements alternative explanations of why the 1989 reforms benefited the outgoing dictatorship more than the incoming democratic government. Although the outgoing regime granted several opposition demands by reducing restrictions on political pluralism and eliminating barriers to political party activity, it also secured provisions that made the military more independent of civilian authorities than originally conceived in the 1980 Constitution.
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