Recognizing the power of stories about heroes and villainsdoes not mean that these stories are a solid foundation for public policy (Goss, 2007).Currently, all states in the United States require some categories of convicted offenders to submit physical samples for later DNA analysis. The results of these analyses are DNA profiles available to law enforcement. One of the stated goals of legislation, cited in supporting court cases, has been to deter offenders from reoffending. State legislatures in recent years have increased dramatically the scope of offenders who are required to submit samples. Empirical work on deterrence suggests that these recent expansions are undermining the deterrence potential of these policies. That potential can be restored only by reversing the recent and planned policy expansions.
Stigma is a state of disgrace, shame, or dishonor. Stigma impacts how individuals view themselves and how they perceive they will be perceived by others. Stigma influences how individuals may be treated by authority figures, or even by their neighbors. Stigma can be culturally specific: a trait stigmatized by one culture may not draw attention in another. In some ways, stigma's greatest impact is on the individuals who feel they are subject to, or perceive, stigma. An individual's behavior can impact stigma and related perceptions. In criminological theory, stigma is multifaceted. Because stigma can be applied to victims as well as to perpetrators, and even to locations where crime has occurred, it has links to a wide range of theories.
This paper is a theoretical examination of terrorism using aspects of strain, control, and learning theories. This paper argues that, despite difficulties in defining terrorism within the confines of the criminological discourse and identifying terrorists as criminals, these theories can explain the formation and continuation of terrorist groups, as well as why an individual may decide to become a terrorist. Specifically, strain and control theories apply to terrorism recruitment and why individuals join terrorist groups or become active in terrorism. Learning theories are used to examine the role of both formal and informal terrorist training camps and school. They can also be applied to the prevalence of information-sharing through the Internet, both for members of terrorist groups and for those individuals who seek to become involved in terrorist activity without membership in an organization.
As of 2019, there were 940 hate groups known to be active in the United States. Previous examinations of hate groups have assumed formation. This paper uses simulation modeling to test Weber’s 1947 socio-political theory of charismatic leadership. Simulation modeling creates a computer simulation that simplifies people and their interactions to mimic a real-world event or phenomena. Three models of hate group formation were created to test this theory. These experiments test the importance of personal and societal levels of hate in group formation and the influence of charismatic leadership. These experiments also tested hypotheses regarding the number of groups that form, the speed of formation, and group size. Data were collected from 13,000 model iterations to test these hypotheses. All models successfully generated hate groups. Hate groups formed at all levels of societal hate. An in-depth understanding of how hate groups form may assist in slowing the proliferation of these groups and decreasing their appeal.
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