A new research agenda is proposed for assessing the strength of linkages between educational credentials, including fields of study, and occupational positions. The authors argue that a theoretically fruitful conception of linkage strength requires a focus on granular structure as well as the macroinstitutional characteristics of pathways between education and the labor market. Building on recent advances in the study of multigroup segregation, the authors find that Germany has stronger overall linkage strength than France or the United States. However, the extent to which the three countries differ varies substantially across educational levels and fields of study. The authors illustrate the substantive importance of the new approach by showing, first, that the standard organization space/qualification space distinction poorly describes the contemporary difference between Germany and France and, second, that relative mean occupational wages in Germany and the United States vary directly with the relative linkage strength for occupations in the two countries.
A recurring question in public and scientific debates is whether occupationspecific skills enhance labor market outcomes. Is it beneficial to have an educational degree that is linked to only one or a small set of occupations? To answer this question, we generalize existing models of the effects of (mis)match between education and occupation on labor market outcomes. Specifically, we incorporate the structural effects of linkage strength between school and work, which vary considerably across industrialized countries. In an analysis of France, Germany, and the United States, we find that workers have higher earnings when they are in occupations that match their educational level and field of study, but the size of this earnings boost depends on the clarity and strength of the pathway between their educational credential and the labor market. The earnings premium associated with a good occupational match is larger in countries where the credential has a stronger link to the labor market, but the penalty for a mismatch is also greater in such countries. Moreover, strong linkage reduces unemployment risk. These findings add nuance to often-made arguments that countries with loosely structured educational systems have more flexible labor markets and produce better labor market outcomes for workers. An institutional environment that promotes strong school-to-work pathways appears to be an effective strategy for providing workers with secure, well-paying jobs.
Bachelor's degrees (BAs) promote upward social mobility and lessen inequality among those who achieve them (Hauser and Logan 1992; Hout 1988; Torche 2011). Yet BA completion in the United States is stratified sharply by race and class, with white and higher-class students earning degrees more frequently than traditionally underrepresented minority and lower-class students (Bowen, Chingos, and McPherson 2009; Roksa et al. 2007). A comparison of the BA completion rates for white and black students is striking: 63 percent of white students receive a BA within six years of initial college entry, compared to just 41 percent of black students (Snyder, de Brey, and Dillow 2016: Table 326.10). 1 The size of this gap, together with its substantial contribution to racial inequality 808005A SRXXX10.
A recurring question in public and scientific debates is whether occupationspecific skills enhance labor market outcomes. Is it beneficial to have an educational degree that is linked to only one or a small set of occupations? To answer this question, we generalize existing models of the effects of (mis)match between education and occupation on labor market outcomes. Specifically, we incorporate the structural effects of linkage strength between school and work, which vary considerably across industrialized countries. In an analysis of France, Germany, and the United States, we find that workers have higher earnings when they are in occupations that match their educational level and field of study, but the size of this earnings boost depends on the clarity and strength of the pathway between their educational credential and the labor market. The earnings premium associated with a good occupational match is larger in countries where the credential has a stronger link to the labor market, but the penalty for a mismatch is also greater in such countries. Moreover, strong linkage reduces unemployment risk. These findings add nuance to often-made arguments that countries with loosely structured educational systems have more flexible labor markets and produce better labor market outcomes for workers. An institutional environment that promotes strong school-to-work pathways appears to be an effective strategy for providing workers with secure, well-paying jobs.
In this article, we compare how racial inequalities are shaped by school-to-work transitions among bachelor’s degree (BA) holders in Brazil and the United States. Our findings reveal how distinct paths linking higher education and the job market can drive similar patterns of Black–White earnings gaps. While the distribution across fields of study matters more for racial earnings inequality in Brazil, differential returns to the same field and occupations are a stronger determinant in the United States. We also find that linked closure, that is, the exclusion of Black BA holders from occupations with high levels of linkage to the labor market, is the predominant mechanism in the United States, while a mix between linked closure and what we term unlinked closure, that is, the exclusion of Black BA holders from occupations that have weak linkages to fields of study, is more important in Brazil. By identifying variations in mechanisms leading to racial inequality, this article contributes to debates in comparative race relations and stratification.
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