Based on two years of fieldwork and over 100 interviews, we analyze mixed martial arts fighters' fears, how they managed them, and how they adopted intimidating personas to evoke fear in opponents. We conceptualize this process as ''managing emotional manhood,'' which refers to emotion management that signifies, in the dramaturgical sense, masculine selves. Our study aims to deepen our understanding of how men's emotion work is gendered and, more generally, to bring together two lines of research: studies of gendered emotion management and studies of emotional identity work. We further propose that managing emotional manhood is a dynamic and trans-situational process that can be explored in diverse settings.While fighters in the locker room prepared for combat in the cage, two men from the previous fight staggered in. Juan 1 -the victor-had shiny contusions under both eyes and made it to a folding chair where he sat staring into space. As two paramedics tried to keep him conscious, he cracked a smile with swollen lips and tried unsuccessfully to communicate meaningfully. As the paramedics carried Juan off on a stretcher, Mikehis opponent-leaned against a wall and talked with his trainer. As blood flowed from his nose and mouth, Mike began to sob. His trainer handed him a towel, which he brought to his face with shaking hands. When asked if he was upset about Juan, he pulled away the bloodied towel and said, ''I don't like losing.'' Juan and Mike's post-fight experiences highlight what competitors of mixed martial arts (MMA) most often say they fear: injury and losing. Competitions generally occur in a locked cage and fighters wear thin, open-fingered gloves and are allowed to punch, kick, wrestle, and use martial arts techniques. Fights are broken into rounds and end when one fighter submits

Based on a yearlong observational study of participants in a "Live Action Role Playing" group called "Dagorhir," using the manhood acts perspective, we focus on how masculinity is constructed among low-status, subordinate men who selfdefine as "nerds." We demonstrate that through fantasy role-playing, men are given opportunities to increase their group status, while women are typically relegated to subordinate positions. Increasing status in Dagorhir involved a type of selfenhancement strategy that we termed "epic glory," which positioned men as social dominants. Epic glory was earned through training activities, at Dagorhir events, and through simulating dramatic death scenes. Such actions served as a performance of masculinity that was not possible for these men outside the role-playing experience. Importantly, women were excluded from many of the opportunities to enact epic glory, which helped reproduce inequalities both among males and between males and females participating in the events.

New developments in the critical study of men and masculinity, known as the manhood acts perspective, have focused attention on the ways that males collectively and individually engage in identity work to present themselves as men (Schrock and Schwalbe 2009). This review unpacks two central processes through which males use the body to put on a convincing manhood act. First, I review research on institutions and culture in order to explain how various discourses on male bodies provide resources to signify manhood. Second, I demonstrate how males are socialized to use their bodies to symbolize manhood. Overall, I demonstrate how the manhood acts perspective provides a potentially fruitful theoretical framework for understanding previous research on manhood and the body.

We analyze how twenty graduates of a Batterer Intervention Program constructed autobiographical stories about their relationships with women they assaulted. We focus on the presentation of gendered selves via narrative manhood acts, which we define as self-narratives that signify membership in the category "man" and the possession of a masculine self. We also show how graduates constructed self-narratives as a genre that was oppositional to organizational narratives: rather than adopting the program's domestic violence melodrama or preferred conversion narrative, graduates used the larger culture-especially "bitch" imagery and sometimes racialized discourse-to construct tragedies. Our study demonstrates the usefulness of narrative analysis for research on batterers' accounts and manhood acts, and also shows how oppositional genre-making can be a method to resist organizational narratives.

The importance of friendship networks and drug sharing is a well-documented feature of marijuana use. Recent studies show an increased role of acquiring marijuana through friends, especially in settings with rather punitive drug policy.

Mass media refer to any medium used to diffuse mass communication. Generally speaking, mass media include eight mediums: radio, television, newspapers, magazines, books, recordings, movies, and the Internet. Mass media are relevant to the study of social movements because they carry movement ideas to a broad audience and give activists leverage in institutional and political processes. More specifically, mass media are important to social movements because they legitimate movement issues, provide social movements an opportunity to shape public understandings of political problems, and mobilize a broader public to action. Mass media coverage legitimates movement issues and claims. News media, for instance, set the public agenda by, first, choosing what events and social problems are relevant to the citizenry and, then, focusing public attention on these events and problems. Media coverage of social movement ideas and organizations is legitimizing because it indicates to the broader public that a movement represents credible claims. A publication of a book can have a similar affect. Ralph Nader's book, Unsafe at Any Speed, exposed the reluctance of car manufacturers to spend money on safety features (such as seat belts) and supported Nader's efforts to mobilize a consumer rights movement. Mass media offer frameworks for understanding the causes of and solutions to political problems (Gamson 1992; Benford & Snow 2000). Social movements, then, that garner media attention have an opportunity to shape public perceptions of political problems and affect broader debate. Mass media can also mobilize a broader population to action. Social movement frameworks disseminated via mass media identify motivations for and targets of collective action. For example, radio played an important role in strike campaigns of textile workers between 1929 and 1934. Music broadcast throughout the South articulated the concerns of textile workers (such as low wages and family subsistence) and identified the root causes of these problems (i.e., exploitative owners and domineering managers). This music and Franklin Roosevelt's “Fireside Chats,” which indicated support for industrial workers and improved working conditions, helped mobilize workers (Roscigno & Danaher 2001).

This article uses unique data to explore individual claims-making on the Terri Schiavo case. We analyze 2,509 e-mails sent to Jeb Bush and 1,182 newspaper stories about the Schiavo case to assess how mass media, claims-makers, and individual experience affect the frames and identities used to support or oppose intervention on Terri's behalf. We find that the frames individuals use vary according to whether they support Bush's involvement in the case. In addition, we find that the frames individuals use in their claims-making do not always mirror those discussed in mass media. Specifically, the frequency with which e-mailers discuss particular ideas varies according to the engagement of claims-makers on the issue as well as the complexity of the frame. Finally, we find that some individuals do deploy identities strategically in their e-mails. Opponents of intervention, for instance, use their political identities as Republicans to urge Bush to stay out of the case. Not all identity deployment, however, corresponds with support or opposition to Bush's involvement on the Schiavo case. Individuals use their familial and religious identities to both support and oppose intervention. We conclude with a discussion of the relevance of these findings for understanding claims-making in the twenty-first century.

Compassion fatigue has been primarily studied at the micro level and framed as a psychological "personal trouble" that results from one's personality traits, demographic characteristics, or life and work stressors. In addition, compassion fatigue is used to predict other psychological outcomes such as burnout, depersonalization, and stress. This literature on compassion fatigue has been reviewed, in order to illustrate areas where sociologists can contribute to a more nuanced understanding of the phenomenon. In this article we conceptualize compassion fatigue as a sociological concept and overview the potential ways that sociological approaches can enhance our understanding. We draw on the literatures of emotion work, social exchange theory, and macrolevel sociological theories to facilitate the use of compassion fatigue from a sociological perspective. For example, we use concepts such as social integration and anomie to stimulate thinking about rates of compassion fatigue.