This article uses recently digitized samples of apprentices and masters in London andBristol to quantify the practice of apprenticeship in the late seventeenth century. Apprenticeship appears much more fluid than is traditionally understood. Many apprentices did not complete their terms of indenture; late arrival and early departure from the master's household were widespread. Other apprentices appear to have been absent temporarily, returning to the master shortly before the end of their indenture. Regression analysis indicates that the patterns of presence and absence broadly reflect the resources and external opportunities available to apprentices.T he formal structure of early modern apprenticeship was defined by rules established by guilds, cities, and the state. In England, the Statute of Artificers applied London's existing practices nationwide in 1563. 2 While some details were negotiable, the core of English apprenticeship contracts was fixed by law. Apprentices served for at least seven years, working in exchange for instruction: the fruits of their labour belonged to their masters. In corporate cities, contracts had to be registered with guild, city, or both. Apprentices were under the quasi-parental authority of their masters: their manners, entertainment, and freedom to marry were limited. On completion, the apprentice gained significant legal privileges, including settlement for poor relief, and the right to use his trade and take his own apprentices.To what extent did apprenticeships follow these rules? This question is of fundamental importance to our understanding of apprenticeship. If rules were not enforced and apprentices left early, how did masters recover their training costs? Could apprenticeship still offer stability or serve to socialize youths into urban
This paper examines the importance of social and geographical networks in structuring entry into skilled occupations in premodern London. Using newly digitised records of those beginning an apprenticeship in London between 1600 and 1749, we find little evidence that networks strongly shaped apprentice recruitment. The typical London apprentice did not have an identifiable connection to his master in the form of a kin link, shared name, or shared place or county of origin. The majority of migrant apprentices' fathers came from outside of the craft sector. Our results suggest that the market for apprenticeship was strikingly open: well-to-do families of all types were able to access a wide range of craft and trade apprenticeships, and would-be apprentices had considerable scope to match their perceived ability and aptitude to opportunity.
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