This paper aimed to account for unexpected accusative case on a pronominal associate in there-sentences (there was him). It is unexpected that under the long-standing assumption in generative grammar, agreement coincides with case assignment. Since there-associates appear to agree with T in number (e.g. There was/*were a dog), they are expected to be valued as nominative case. Furthermore, such a pronominal associate with accusative case is not available in there-V type sentences (*There arrived him). In this paper, I propose a multiple-there hypothesis to account for different behaviors of there-V and there-BE. In the proposal, I argue that there-s in there-V and there-BE are base-generated in different positions due to their different "grammatical roles" (semantically null expletive vs. subject argument). Based on the distinction, I further argue that there-s have different feature specifications and show that the proposed system captures different behaviors between there-sentences with respect to sub-extraction and control.
It has been observed that prosodic accents on wh-phrases improve the acceptability of Intervention Effect configurations in Korean and Japanese. However, this prosody-driven salvation effect has been studied only with the subject-intervener configuration, not with an object-intervener configuration, and surprisingly, the object-intervener configuration is actually not saved by prosody, unlike the situation with subject-interveners. Based on this new observation, the main goal of this paper is to argue that intervention effects, at least in Korean (and Japanese),do not constitute a single phenomenon which can be uniformly explained; structurally similar sentences may have different derivations, and prosody provides a clue to discern the different syntactic derivations which are involved. I crucially assume Korean has two distinct types of covert wh-movement-phrasal movement and ff-movement, as proposed in (Pesetsky, David. 2000.
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