Ethnic Chinese constitute a large, albeit minority, group in Malaysian society. Within this group, Chinese Malaysians come from a wide variety of linguistic, religious, and educational backgrounds. The overall purpose of this study was to gain a better understanding of the impact of university social context on ethnic identity and self-reported global self-esteem for Chinese Malaysian university students. To conduct this study, a total of 628 students were sampled from two universities and from different social backgrounds. Students answered a questionnaire about their ethnic identity, self-esteem, and demographic background. The relationship between ethnic identity and self-esteem was examined and the most significant predictors of ethnic identity for Chinese Malaysian university students were discovered. Analysis revealed that national context as well as childhood and adolescence, as opposed to university education or context, play a key role in student ethnic identity formation.
This article examines the position of ethnic Chinese Indonesians from the pre-colonial period to the post-Suharto era, and factors that were at play. Chinese Indonesians experienced various discrimination and attacks ever since the Dutch colonisation period and, most severely, during the Suharto's presidency (1966Suharto's presidency ( -1998
The election of Joko Widodo (or better known by his nickname "Jokowi") as Indonesia's seventh president in the 2014 presidential election marked a milestone in the country's young democracy. For the first time, a businessmanturned-politician who was not related to the usual clutch of political and business dynasties in Indonesia was elected as the president. Furthermore, Jokowi was the first head of state who used to assume the office of local government head. Hence, Marcus Mietzner's monograph is a timely contribution to an understanding of the factors behind the rise of Jokowi to the presidency. This monograph presents the dynamics of the electoral contest between two populists, i.e. Jokowi and Prabowo Subianto, during the 2014 presidential election in Indonesia. It is divided into nine sections. In the first section, Mietzner introduces three major schools of thought commonly used by scholars to interpret post-Suharto Indonesian politics. The first school focuses on the growing power of oligarchic and predatory forces in the country's politics, economy and society. This school is also known as the oligarchy theory. Most oligarchy theorists argue that the power of oligarchic and predatory forces is so strong and deeply entrenched that it is impossible for substantial reform to take place without oligarchic approval and support. The second school of thought interprets the patterns of post-Suharto Indonesian politics based on the cartelisation model. Cartelisation scholars propose that political parties in Indonesia were collaborating instead of competing against each other in the post-Suharto era. This can be seen from the formation of the great, inclusivist "rainbow" coalitions under the
Indonesia's re-elected president Joko Widodo, or better known as Jokowi, recently formed his new cabinet which included a few politicians from the selfserving old political forces who are not committed to reforms. The most shocking and disturbing is the appointment of Jokowi's rival, Ex-general Prabowo Subianto, as defence minister. Prabowo has been accused of committing many human rights violations in the past including masterminding the kidnapping of student and social activists as well as the anti-Chinese riots throughout the country in 1998, although he denied such accusations. Ironically, the cover of Max Lane's edited volume Continuity and change after Indonesia's reforms: Contributions to an ongoing assessment written before the 2019 presidential and legislative elections featuring a photo of Jokowi sitting side by side with Prabowo and having a friendly discussion with each other seems like a prediction of both politicians' close working relationship in the near future, as exemplified by Jokowi's recent cabinet formation. This edited volume offers a collection of articles on Indonesian politics in the post-Soeharto era, with particular attention paid to the election of Jokowi in 2014 and the first term of his presidency (2014-2019), which have not been examined in detail in any other scholarly works. They are based on a workshop held at the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore in March 2018. The volume consists of an introduction by the editor that is followed by 10 contributions.
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