Nous remercions les membres du comité éditorial pour leur relecture attentive de cette introduction, et tout particulièrement Sylvianne Rémi-Giraud, qui nous a épaulés tout au long de la réalisation de ce dossier.
Since 2014-2015, population displacements caused by the Syrian civil war along with the broader range of migratory flows to Europe have resulted in a situation that has often been described in host countries as a crisis. Because the relation between migration and crisis is fraught with complications, most migration studies now include a prior warning about the term crisis or the expression migratory crisis, as a reminder that the discursive frame is not neutral and should therefore be kept at a distance. Indeed, the set of interpretations generated by the word crisis are questionable and inherently biased. Originally used in medical vocabulary, it refers to an intense period that represents a break in the "normal" course of events ("pathological" implications are always inherent) while at the same time positing a resolution, an "exit from crisis" that calls for solutions (Veniard, 2013). The question is whether, even when kept at a distance, the mere use of expression migratory crisis does not fall into the same pattern; after all, it has the same semantic structure and seems to propagate the same set of interpretations.
Cet article envisage le rapport entre l’État et la philanthropie à travers la procédure de reconnaissance d’utilité publique des associations et fondations telle qu’elle est pratiquée au début de la Troisième République. Plus précisément, il s’interroge sur la façon dont les membres du Conseil d’État, que le gouvernement doit consulter en la matière, jugent de la recevabilité des demandes qui leur sont soumises. Il montre qu’au-delà des critères juridiques, malléables, ces grands serviteurs de l’État s’appuient sur leur connaissance des œuvres, partielle et partiale puisque limitée à la « nébuleuse réformatrice » dont ils font partie.
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