In this article, we provide an overview of School‐wide Positive Behavior Support (SWPBS), an approach to building protective school cultures and preventing the development of problem behavior through instruction, environmental redesign, and attention to systems‐level variables. We define the critical features of SWPBS within a prevention science lens, including identification of its conceptual foundations, proximal mediators of student outcomes, and current research base and goals. Given its evidence of effectiveness, we describe efforts and a research agenda in the area of sustainability of SWPBS, including a description of a proposed model of sustainability and a case study of statewide implementation with steps taken to promote sustained implementation. © 2009 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
This symposium brings together the theory and practice of public sociology. The introduction sets out the meanings of public sociology, emphasizing its plurality and its relation to multiple publics. From there, it frames public sociology in relation to policy, professional, and critical sociologies. This constellation of the division of sociological labor varies over time and between countries. We argue for a normative model of antagonistic interdependence, which holds all four types in equilibrium. The core of the symposium contains six autobiographical case studies of the practice of public sociology, all from Boston College. In different ways, each case study responds to the issues raised in the introduction. The conclusion to the symposium is a manifesto for public sociologies, setting out the implications of the case studies for sociology's relation to society. discipline, beginning on their own doorstep at Berkeley. It was the return of the repressednot for the first time, nor for the last. What applies to the discipline applies to the individual. Sociologists often enter the discipline with questions of social justice and inequality uppermost in their minds, stimulated by their undergraduate teachers. Graduate school seeks to expel that moral moment through a variety of disciplinary techniques-standardized courses, regimented careers, intensive examination, the lonely dissertation, the refereed publication, all captured by the all-powerful CV. Moral commitment takes cover, goes underground. It may reappear in private life or blossom forth after tenure-if one gets that far. Again, moral commitment is not banished, only repressed. It's still there like a subterranean geyser, forcing its way to the surface, driving sociology onto new terrains. What would happen if, rather than repressing the moral moment of sociology, we were to give it room to breath, recognize it rather than silence it, reflect on it rather than repress it? Would it inspire the development of science, or spell its demise? Would it enhance the legitimacy of sociology, or end its credibility? How vulnerable is science to an examination of its foundational values, to deploying its findings in the policy arena, to promoting dialogue about issues of public concern? While there are always risks and dangers in bringing sociology to a wider non-academic audience, the potential benefits are great-both to sociology and its non-academic audiences. Indeed, perhaps we have no alternative. At least, such is the presumption of this discussion paper. The first step is to name it-public sociology-a sociology that seeks to bring sociology to publics beyond the academy, promoting dialogue about issues that affect the fate of society, placing the values to which we adhere under a microscope. What is important here is the multiplicity of public sociologies, reflecting the multiplicity of publics-visible and invisible, thick and thin, active and passive, local, national and even global, dominant and counter publics. The variety of publics stretches from our stu...
Activists cannot build political power simply by framing their message in ways that resonate with broader cultural values. To succeed, framing strategies must be integrated with broader movement-building efforts.
We track the strategic choices of Rhode Island Coalition against Domestic Violence (RICADV), a statewide collective actor working in one media market to expand opportunities to promote its mission. We reconstruct an organizational life history describing how RICADV built its communications capacity and deepened internal and external relations, thereby increasing media standing with Rhode Island journalists. To measure growth in media standing quantitatively, we analyze print coverage of three comparable clusters of domestic violence murders occurring in Rhode Island between 1996 and 2002. Over this interval, RICADV rose from invisibility to become Rhode Island reporters' foremost source for background information on domestic-violence murders. Also, the use of language identifying these murders as domestic violence increased sixteen-fold. Stressing dialogic and relational approaches, we conclude that despite restricted access to corporatized media markets, intentional collective actors can negotiate and expand media opportunities by strategically selecting mission-relevant media projects that match their existing resources and networks.
Stressing relation-building and participatory communication approaches, the Rhode Island Coalition against Domestic Violence worked with journalists to develop a best practices handbook on news coverage of domestic violence murders. This study compares print coverage of domestic violence murders prehandbook (1996-1999) and posthandbook (2000-2002). Significant changes include increased labeling of the murder of intimates as domestic violence and doubled usage of advocates as sources. As a result, domestic violence murders, previously framed as unpredictable private tragedies, are more commonly framed posthandbook as social problems warranting public intervention. The authors conclude that relation-building approaches can affect news cultures and public discourse when conducted in conjunction with comprehensive participatory communications strategies.
Modern market-driven mass media systems may present collective actors with communication opportunities, but these come laced with formidable costs and constraints. This paper argues that despite these barriers, collective actors, working intentionally and strategically, can develop effective media campaigns to communicate with mass audiences -audiences they cannot reach directly. To utilize these narrow opportunities, however, a collective actor needs both adequate communications infrastructure and a communication strategy well integrated into its overall organizing strategy. The 1997 Teamsters strike against United Parcel Service (U.P.S.) provides an illustrative case.
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