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Job satisfaction among American workers was examined for 1972 through 1978 with a sample (n = 4,709) made up of seven independently drawn annual national surveys. As was true in the previous decade, there were no substantial changes in overall levels of job satisfaction through 1978, and a number of correlates of job satisfaction remained unchanged. Blacks were less job satisfied than whites, there were no sex differences in job satisfaction, and there was a positive association between job satisfaction and education, age, income, and occupation.

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A study of white male and female respondents to three recent national sample surveys reveals, for both sexes, a moderate but consistent positive correlation between age and job satisfaction. The correlation may result from influences associated with aging or cohort membership, or both. Tests, through partial correlation analysis, of one "aging" and one "cohort" explanation yield largely negative evidence. However, the correlation among males seems likely to result to some degree from an increase with aging in extrinsic job rewards.Requests for reprints should be sent to Charles N. Weaver, School of Business and Administration,

Published evidence, based largely on bivariate methods of analysis, generally suggests that pay, race, occupational prestige, supervisory status, and work autonomy are associated with job satisfaction and that sex is not. Regression analysis of a representative sample of U. S. workers, which partialled out the effects of a number of other variables, affirms that supervisory status makes an independent contribution to job satisfaction and that sex is unrelated, but suggests that the zero-order effects of pay, race, occupational prestige, and work autonomy are spurious.

Data from surveys representative of the population of the United States were used to investigate 2 aspects of social distance as a measure of prejudice among Hispanics, non-Hispanic Whites, Jews, Asians, and Blacks. The results extended through 2000 a 65-year decline in prejudice. But, contrary to expectations, these groups were, on average, significantly opposed to virtually all other ethnic groups living in their neighborhoods or marrying their close relatives. The findings suggest that the popular hierarchical explanation of social distances with Whites at the top, Jews next, followed by Asians and Hispanics, and Blacks at the bottom is incorrect. A more accurate explanation is proposed.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.. Oxford University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Social Forces.Recent evidence from one U.S. national survey (the Quality of Life Survey) indicates that being married very likely contributes, in the aggregate, to the psychological well-being of both men and women but that the presence of children may tend to lower the satisfaction of both sexes (Campbell; Campbell et al.).' The evidence on marital status and psychological wellbeing is corroborated by data from several other studies (e.g., Bradburn; Bradburn and Caplovitz; Glenn, a; Gurin, Veroff, and Feld; Knupfer et al.) and thus a zero-order association of being married with feelings of wellbeing in the United States in the recent past is hardly in doubt. There is no conclusive evidence that the relationship is not spurious, but Glenn (a) argues on the basis of data for different age levels that it is quite improbable that the relationship results entirely from selection of superior, more adaptable persons for marriage.The evidence from the Quality of Life Survey for negative effects of presence of children is much more tenuous than the evidence for the effects of marriage. Weak estimated effects in the data from one survey may well result from sampling error; and Campbell et al. base most of their discussion on zero-order relationships and report little analysis conducted to test for spuriousness. Furthermore, other evidence on the topic is inconsistent. Although the findings of several studies suggest a negative effect of children on marital happiness or satisfaction (e.g., Feldman; LeMasters; Renne), there could be typical gratifications from parenthood which offset any negative effects on global happiness through quality of marriage. Studies of the effects of the last child's leaving home on the psychological well-being of parents consistently fail to provide evidence of large typical negative effects (see Axelson; Clausen; Deutscher; Glenn, b), but most of the studies also fail to indicate substantial positive effects. The ambitious