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The fair inclusion of female athletes at elite and Olympic levels is secured in most sports by way of female categories because of the extensively documented biological and performance-related differences between the sexes. International policy for transgender inclusion is framed by the definitive International Olympic Committee transgender guidelines in which the International Olympic Committee confirms the ‘overriding sporting objective is and remains the guarantee of fair competition’ and transwomen can be excluded from female categories if, in the interests of fairness, this is necessary and proportionate. Feminist theorists argue justice requires that women have equal moral standing in the sociocultural–political structures of society including sport. As such their voices should carry equal democratic weight. However, female elite and Olympic athletes are rarely heard in the sociocultural–political discourses of academic literature or policy formulation for transgender inclusion in female categories by the International Olympic Committee and governing bodies of sport. This empirical study investigated the views and presents the ‘voices’ of 19 female Olympians. The main findings include (1) these athletes thought both female and transgender athletes should be fairly included in elite sport, (2) unanimous agreement there is not enough scientific evidence to show no competitive advantage for transwomen, (3) unanimous agreement that the International Olympic Committee should revisit the rules and scientific evidence for transgender inclusion in female categories, and (4) the majority of athletes felt that they could not ask questions or discuss this issue without being accused of transphobia.
Universalist claims are often made about sport which is, as a consequence, increasingly written into national and international policy documents as an entitlement of citizenship or even as a human right. Further, in most countries in the world physical education (PE) is a compulsory component of the education of children, and sport is seen as central to this (Hardman and Marshall 2005). Therefore, the 'who' of sport must aspire to be egalitarian: relevant to, and meaningful for, girls and boys, men and women. In this context two fundamental questions are asked:
Do all citizens or humans want to participate in sport? If so, which sport is this: 'sport for sports sake', 'sport for good', or 'sport for all'?
Given the architecture of sport, PE, and active recreation, what are justice and equality in relation to this?Feminist political and citizenship theory is used to explore the 'what' of justice and the extent to which the policy discourse of sport, active recreation and PE citizenship in Europe and Britain, addresses gender justice. It is argued that formal sport, PE, and active recreation citizenship rights might be accorded to all individuals and regarded as gender neutral, but that this masks an androcentric conception of movement citizenship. Inequalities of power derive from both the sexual division of labour and the sexual division of play. Therefore, women are more likely to be second class sport, PE and active recreation citizens than men resulting in a democratic deficit in relation to movement citizenship.
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