The current study examined children's identification and reasoning about their subjective social status (SSS), their beliefs about social class groups (i.e., the poor, middle class, and rich), and the associations between the two. Study participants were 117 10- to 12-year-old children of diverse racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic backgrounds attending a laboratory elementary school in Southern California. Results indicated that children's SSS ratings correlated with indicators of family socioeconomic status and were informed by material possessions, lifestyle characteristics, and social and societal comparisons. Children rated the poor as having fewer positive attributes and more negative attributes than the middle class, and fewer positive attributes than the rich. Lower SSS children held less positive attitudes toward the poor than children with middle SSS ratings.

Ethnic–racial socialization (ERS) is the collection of practices by which individuals learn about norms, values, and customs regarding ethnicity and race (Hughes et al., 2006). In contrast to research with families of color, few studies have examined ERS among White families (Umaña-Taylor & Hill, 2020). In this study, we used the Consensual Qualitative Research procedure (Hill et al., 2005) to analyze the ERS goals expressed by 35 White parents of White children during semi-structured interviews. We identified 11 domains (privilege awareness, take action, racism, value diversity, egalitarianism, children lead the way, informed, embracing the difficulty of being anti-racist, empathy, protection, and racial–ethnic identity) that generally map onto Hughes et al.’s (2006) existing ERS framework. Our results suggest that some White parents have ERS goals that move beyond kindness and diversity to delve into issues of equity and justice in order to support children in their own anti-racist journies.

This longitudinal study examined how nightly variations in adolescents' study and sleep time are associated with academic problems on the following day. Participants (N = 535, 9th grade M(age) = 14.88) completed daily diaries every day for 14 days in 9th, 10th, and 12th grades. Results suggest that regardless of how much a student generally studies each day, if that student sacrifices sleep time to study more than usual, he or she will have more trouble understanding material taught in class and be more likely to struggle on an assignment or test the following day. Because students are increasingly likely to sacrifice sleep time for studying in the latter years of high school, this negative dynamic becomes increasingly prevalent over time.

Ethnic minority adolescents experience certain sleep problems, yet factors that affect their sleep are poorly understood. This study examined the association between ethnic discrimination and sleep during adolescence and the extent to which perceived stress mediated these associations. This study also examined whether school belonging can protect adolescents from discrimination's negative association with sleep. Latino (n = 247) and Asian American (n = 113) adolescents (M age =17.18, SD = .75; 57% female) completed self-reports of overt and subtle discrimination, sleep quality, sleep hours, perceived stress, and school belonging. Both overt and subtle discrimination were associated with worse sleep quality. Only subtle discrimination was associated with getting less sleep. The associations between discrimination and sleep hold even after controlling for perceived stress. School belonging buffered the negative effect of overt discrimination on sleep. Findings suggest that discrimination is a unique type of vigilance that affects sleep; however, school belonging may be a positive resource for adolescents.

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