Potato production and the related commercial and technological characteristics in the potato value chain, is one of the most important sources of income and food security of thousands of small-scale farmers in the Andes, who are increasingly challenged by trends of urbanization, volatility of agricultural prices, water and land scarcity, environmental stress, and weather shocks. Understanding food losses along the potato value chain and what role these losses play in food security has recently caught the interest of researchers and policy makers as reducing food losses can improve food availability without increasing agricultural inputs, use of land, or technological improvements on the production side. However, estimating food losses has proven to be a daunting task and efforts have yielded estimates that vary considerably. The methodology presented in this study distinguishes losses that are due to physical quantities from those due to quality and value. The results show that the most important losses occur in the production link and that the most important losses faced by small-scale potato producers occur due to crop management practices (before harvest), pests and diseases, frost and drought. Losses in production amount to an average of 95% of total losses in the value chain. This paper reports on the study conducted by the International Potato Center (CIP) through the CGIAR Program on Policy, Institution and Markets (PIM) lead by IFPRI, to evaluate the extent and sources of food losses taking as case study key potato value chains in Ecuador and Peru.
We report a 23-year-old woman admitted post cyclist versus heavy goods vehicle accident in December 2014. This was the second case the life-saving procedure, that is, resuscitative endovascular balloon occlusion of the aorta (REBOA) was performed on at the roadside. This advanced procedure was performed due to the extensive haemorrhage from this patient's complex pelvic fracture . As a result of REBOA, the patient consequently lost her left lower limb and underwent a variety of complex pelvic and lower limb surgeries.The patient was admitted to the acute critical care unit and underwent repeated operations and was not ready to start active rehabilitation until 12 days into her admission. Prior to this she was on movement restrictions and received physiotherapy for limb care and dietetics in order to meet her nutritional requirements. The patient was stepped down to a ward setting and started on an extensive physiotherapy programme and was then transferred to the rehabilitation unit for amputees at Roehampton.
Habitat participatif et politiques de l'habitat : un mariage par intérêt ? Camille Devaux RÉSUMÉ Dans les années 1980, certaines collectivités locales ont été à l'origine de quelques opérations d'habitat participatif. Au tournant des années 2000, ce sont des groupes d'habitants porteurs de tels projets qui ont sollicité les collectivités. En milieu urbain plus particulièrement, le concours des collectivités locales est nécessaire pour faire aboutir leurs démarches. Ils s'attachent alors à séduire ces potentiels partenaires, pour lesquels « l'habitant » reste un inconnu et suscite des craintes. Progressivement toutefois, les discours d'élus et de techniciens ont valorisé l'habitat participatif, voyant là une réponse alternative à une diversité d'enjeux de la production urbaine et du logement. Ces démarches sont alors plébiscitées de façon générique, sans beaucoup de référence à des retours d'expériences ; élus et techniciens tentent d'intégrer l'habitat participatif à leurs outils, sans le connecter aux contextes locaux. Il semble que nous ayons d'abord affaire à un « mariage par intérêt ». L'analyse fine des modalités d'engagement des collectivités permet de nuancer le propos. Lorsque ces dernières mettent du foncier à disposition d'opérations d'habitat participatif, plusieurs configurations se dessinent. Certaines collectivités intègrent l'habitat participatif dans leurs politiques, d'autres se veulent plutôt facilitatrices, tandis que d'autres encore semblent déléguer les opérations à des tiers.
L’article interroge la capacité de l’habitat participatif à ouvrir le processus de production du logement aux futurs habitants jusqu’à en devenir un outil de démocratisation. Au départ porté par des ménages pionniers, dotés de ressources multiples, l’habitat participatif s’est progressivement ouvert à d’autres publics, mais aussi et surtout aux professionnels de la production du logement érigés au rang de partenaires, ouvrant la voie, en théorie du moins, à une démocratisation de la production du logement. Son institutionnalisation par le biais de la loi ALUR entame toutefois de façon modérée les implications d’un projet qui restent coûteuses, pour les habitants comme pour les professionnels de la production du logement. L’habitat participatif peut néanmoins ouvrir une brèche dans les représentations traditionnelles de la production du logement et engager un changement de paradigme où le client-locataire peut se muer en habitant-citoyen.This paper investigates the ability of participatory housing to open up the process of housing production to future residents, making it a tool for democratization. Participatory housing, pioneered by households with significant resources, has gradually opened up to other groups, but also and especially to professionals in the field who have risen to the rank of partners, paving the way, in theory at least, for a democratization of housing production. Its institutionalization through the French act respecting access to housing and renewed urbanism (loi Alur) is, however, starting modestly to raise the issue of the implications of a project that is still costly, for both residents and housing-production professionals. Participatory housing may nevertheless disrupt traditional representations of housing production and cause a shift to a new paradigm, one in which the customer-tenant becomes a citizen-resident
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