In this paper we examine the identity negotiation processes of North African immigrant women in France. Participants engaged in various forms of identity work, including selective association and management of appearance, as well as resisting others' attempts to categorize them as immigrants. Given that these women have chosen to move to France and remain there, this finding is surprising. Using the concept of the Not-Me identity, we explore how people can redefine and refuse labels that seem to be self-evident and to lack room for negotiation. At the same time, we examine how class and educational resources and other structural factors influence these immigrant women's ability to control others' perceptions of their identity.
Immigration provides a rich opportunity for examining how cultural repertoires are affected when "sets of cultural assumptions" are challenged (Swidler, 1986, p. 284). I conducted in-depth interviews with 45 female North African immigrants to France about what they preferred and disliked in each country and about their own cultural behaviors. Participants were hurt by the cold and distant interactions of the French and shocked at their relationship to money. They were also surprised by the stress of living in France. At the same time, however, respondents appreciated the opportunities for employment and education available in France, as well as the greater freedoms for women. While the range of behaviors varies greatly, all the women interviewed engage in selective acculturation, actively working to maintain certain traditions while at the same time adapting to French cultural norms. This process is facilitated by boundary work, drawing distinctions between themselves and others and the times and places in which particular behaviors are acceptable.
Objective
To examine how parents of transracially adopted children think about and practice ethnic–racial socialization.
Background
Previous research has highlighted how some parents are color‐blind and others are color‐conscious, yet these 2 categorizations fail to cover the range and fluidity of adoptive parents' approaches to ethnic socialization.
Method
Semistructured interviews were conducted with 34 parents of children with Asian, Latino, and Black ancestry. Parents were recruited through adoption agencies and support groups, personal contacts, and snowball sampling and were asked about attempts and concerns in ethnically and racially socializing their children. Interviews were recorded, transcribed, and coded for common themes using the grounded theory method.
Results
Some parents downplayed race/ethnicity, but our findings elucidate their range of motivations from “protecting” their children from a racialized society to prioritizing other goals. More parents attempted to ethnically socialize but did so in varied ways, such as buying consumer items or forging relationships with people of their children's ethnic group. Compared with “color‐conscious” parents of Asian and Latino children, “color‐conscious” parents of Black children were more likely to emphasize preparation for bias.
Conclusion
Adoptive parents can vacillate between minimizing the impact of race to talking about steps taken to ethnically socialize children. Some parents note a profound change in their perspective at some point after adopting their children.
Implications
Delving into more than 2 approaches to ethnic socialization and identifying changes over time affords a deeper understanding of parents' perspectives and behaviors and helps researchers interpret the mixed results found in past studies.
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