Although Ankara has a long history, it is generally known for its twentieth century development as the designed capital of the newly-born Turkish nation-state. The early episode of the city's growth displayed a typical example of modernization with the hand of a determined nationalist government. Yet, the second half of the century, also similar to other developing parts of the world, witnessed the uncontrollable expansion of the city with the emergence of squatter areas. Providing a brief discussion of this history, the article focuses on the recent developments in Ankara's urban growth, which was marked by an original trend in urban politics. A significant combination of neoliberal development strategies and Islamist social welfare policies has emerged in the Turkish cities in the last two decades. Ankara, being the symbol of republican modernization distinguished with a radical interpretation of secularism, suffers this political tension and witnesses the social predicaments of an immense transformation shaped by urban regeneration projects. © 2012 Elsevier Ltd
Nationalism, as a political discourse requiring a fundamental connection to a particular territory has constantly referred to maps as evidence of the eternal existence of the respective nation. In the case of modern Turkey, the national map has been a symptomatic signifier of a constant anxiety of territorial loss. Built around such anxiety, Turkish nationalism has been sensitive towards the borders defining national territory. This article analyzes the use of national maps as instruments for the cultural production of nationalism in Turkey throughout the last three decades. In the process, it is intended to differentiate between official maps produced under state authority and popular maps circulated in mass media. Throughout the 1980s, national maps included in school textbooks presented a country surrounded by hostile neighbors on all sides, in tune with the political climate of the Cold War. A crucial aspect of these official maps was the cartographic awareness they generated which, in the following decade, would become operational in the widespread use of the map as a nationalist sign. With the emergence of the Kurdish question in the 1990s, the national map became a key instrument in promoting nationalist sentiments with the invention of the flag-map logo as a favorite symbol. After the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003, the Kurdish issue was projected on to Northern Iraq, and a new mode of cartographic representation was invented. "Appropriated maps" produced through the digital retouching of random maps found on the Internet visualized irredentist desires enlarging the country's territory especially into Northern Iraq and invoking the Ottoman past. These maps, which consciously distorted geographical information, turned to historical references to sustain their cartographic validity. © 2010 Elsevier Ltd
This article discusses the politics of public space through the particular example of Taksim Square in Istanbul. Tracing Taksim's history since the early twentieth century, the article analyzes the instrumentalization of public space in nation-building, the socialization of politics within the context of postwar rapid urbanization, and the (re)politicization of public space under neoliberal Islamism. Finally it arrives at an assessment of the nationwide antigovernment protests that centered on Taksim Square in May-June 2013. Throughout this historical examination, the politics of public space is discussed with reference to the work of Henri Lefebvre, in order to scrutinize the spatial aspects of the relation between state and society. Accordingly, the rise of democratic public space is defined as a result of the mutual interaction between two bottom-up impetuses; the immanent politics of the social (the political character of everyday life) and the socialization of the political (civil political action).
This paper discusses urban politics in contemporary Turkey through a particular architectural phenomenon: that of minarets without mosques. Local administrations under neo-liberal Islamists propose urban regeneration projects which require extensive demolitions in squatter areas. Yet, their reluctance to tear down minarets creates ruinscapes in which minarets seem to have miraculously survived destruction. In this regard, the minarets without mosques should be understood as symptoms of urban transformation led by neo-liberal Islamism. Neo-liberal Islamists envisage these projects as spatial forms of politics of convergence, juxtaposing slum upgrading with luxurious housing within the unifying cultural codes of Islam. It is proposed to interpret these minarets not as bearers of religious symbolism but as nodes within the urban network of everyday life referring to Lefebvre's concept of rhythmanalysis. Viewed in this way, it becomes possible for the minarets to take on new meanings and serve as signs of the displacement of the squatters. © 2012 Urban Studies Journal Limited
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