This article analyzes the recent evolution of Brazilian-Russian relations, with an emphasis on their interaction within the BRICS group. The authors claim that beyond the changes and un- certainties in global world order throughout the second decade of the 21st century, the evolution of Brazilian foreign policy, following the internal political conjectures in Brasilia, impacted not only the bilateral relations with Moscow, but also affected qualitatively its participation in the informal grouping. Political turmoil started in the South American nation in 2013 and the eventual impeachment of Dilma Rousseff in 2016 clearly marked a fundamental change in Brazil’s global orientation. Brazil abandoned its autonomist and soft revisionist stance on global affairs that characterized the Lula da Silva (2003–2010) and Rousseff (2011–2016) presidencies, and embraced a pro-US perspective, which became even more pronounced after the rise of Jair Bolsonaro in 2019. The article also addresses some prospects on possible paths of cooperation between Brasilia and Moscow in the near future and implications for neighboring countries, especially Argentina and Venezuela (the Venezuelan crisis as a factor of BRICS development is also considered).
This article aims at analyzing the actual and potential cooperation between Brazil and Russia-two BRICS countries-in energy issues. Addressing energy security in global affairs and national strategies is quite obvious due to its centrality in shaping contemporary civilization. While energy is also vital for International Relations and for the foreign policy of particular countries, the topic remains quite underdeveloped in Brazil-Russia relations. This contradiction is the main problem raised in the article. There are two main lines of explanation for that question. The first one implies that cooperation between Brazil and Russia is hindered due to poor legal foundations in the energy sector and constant government interference in the business environment in both nations. The second rationale states that both nations allegedly do not share similar interests, or even behave as competitors in each other's or third markets, as they have been suppliers of energy in the global market. We shall advance the third line of argumentation, which contends that even if previous arguments are valid, the role of other players-either foreign governments or private enterprises-should not be underrated to understand possible limitations and setbacks in bilateral relations, in particular in energy matters. Moreover, lack of clarity and definition in energy policy and security is perhaps more convincing than constant government interference, especially in Brazil, and to a lesser extent, Russia.
O texto trata da evolução econômica e política recente da Ucrânia independente. O argumento central é de que a crise ucraniana tem suas origens muito antes da recusa da diplomacia do país em assinar um acordo de associação com a União Europeia e acenar a favor da aproximação com a Rússia. Uma das origens é externa, a disputa por influência entre potências estrangeiras. A outra, pouco abordada, refere-se à evolução e às especificidades da economia ucraniana, que além de passar por processo de transformação sistêmica para o capitalismo, sofreu retração do nível de atividade econômica desde 1991 e uma divergência regional.
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