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There is considerable controversy over whether pre-Columbian (pre-A.D. 1492) Amazonia was largely "pristine" and sparsely populated by slash-and-burn agriculturists, or instead a densely populated, domesticated landscape, heavily altered by extensive deforestation and anthropogenic burning. The discovery of hundreds of large geometric earthworks beneath intact rainforest across southern Amazonia challenges its status as a pristine landscape, and has been assumed to indicate extensive pre-Columbian deforestation by large populations. We tested these assumptions using coupled local-and regional-scale paleoecological records to reconstruct land use on an earthwork site in northeast Bolivia within the context of regional, climate-driven biome changes. This approach revealed evidence for an alternative scenario of Amazonian land use, which did not necessitate labor-intensive rainforest clearance for earthwork construction. Instead, we show that the inhabitants exploited a naturally open savanna landscape that they maintained around their settlement despite the climatically driven rainforest expansion that began ∼2,000 y ago across the region. Earthwork construction and agriculture on terra firme landscapes currently occupied by the seasonal rainforests of southern Amazonia may therefore not have necessitated large-scale deforestation using stone tools. This finding implies far less labor-and potentially lower population densitythan previously supposed. Our findings demonstrate that current debates over the magnitude and nature of pre-Columbian Amazonian land use, and its impact on global biogeochemical cycling, are potentially flawed because they do not consider this land use in the context of climate-driven forest-savanna biome shifts through the mid-to-late Holocene.paleoecology | Amazonian archaeology | human-environment interactions | Anthropocene | Amazon rainforest

An improved understanding of present-day climate variability and change relies on high-quality data sets from the past 2 millennia. Global efforts to model regional climate modes are in the process of being validated against, and integrated with, records of past vegetation change. For South America, however, the full potential of vegetation records for evaluating and improving climate models has hitherto not been sufficiently acknowledged due to an absence of information on the spatial and temporal coverage of study sites. This paper therefore serves as a guide to highquality pollen records that capture environmental variability during the last 2 millennia. We identify 60 vegetation (pollen) records from across South America which satisfy geochrono-logical requirements set out for climate modelling, and we discuss their sensitivity to the spatial signature of climate modes throughout the continent. Diverse patterns of vegetation response to climate change are observed, with more similar patterns of change in the lowlands and varying intensity and direction of responses in the highlands. Pollen records display local-scale responses to climate modes; thus, it is necessary to understand how vegetation-climate interactions might diverge under variable settings. We provide a qualitative translation from pollen metrics to climate variables. Additionally, pollen is an excellent indicator of human impact through time. We discuss evidence for human land use in pollen records and provide an overview considered useful

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The 2010 Eyjafjallajökull lasted 39 days and had 4 different phases, of which the first and third (14–18 April and 5–6 May) were most intense. Most of this period was dominated by winds with a northerly component that carried tephra toward Europe, where it was deposited in a number of locations and was sampled by rain gauges or buckets, surface swabs, sticky‐tape samples and air filtering. In the UK, tephra was collected from each of the Phases 1–3 with a combined range of latitudes spanning the length of the country. The modal grain size of tephra in the rain gauge samples was 25 μm, but the largest grains were 100 μm in diameter and highly vesicular. The mass loading was equivalent to 8–218 shards cm−2, which is comparable to tephra layers from much larger past eruptions. Falling tephra was collected on sticky tape in the English Midlands on 19, 20 and 21st April (Phase 2), and was dominated by aggregate clasts (mean diameter 85 μm, component grains <10 μm). SEM‐EDS spectra for aggregate grains contained an extra peak for sulphur, when compared to control samples from the volcano, indicating that they were cemented by sulphur‐rich minerals e.g. gypsum (CaSO4⋅H2O). Air quality monitoring stations did not record fluctuations in hourly PM10 concentrations outside the normal range of variability during the eruption, but there was a small increase in 24‐hour running mean concentration from 21–24 April (Phase 2). Deposition of tephra from Phase 2 in the UK indicates that transport of tephra from Iceland is possible even for small eruption plumes given suitable wind conditions. The presence of relatively coarse grains adds uncertainty to concentration estimates from air quality sensors, which are most sensitive to grain sizes <10 μm. Elsewhere, tephra was collected from roofs and vehicles in the Faroe Islands (mean grain size 40 μm, but 100 μm common), from rainwater in Bergen in Norway (23–91 μm) and in air filters in Budapest, Hungary (2–6 μm). A map is presented summarizing these and other recently published examples of distal tephra deposition from the Eyjafjallajökull eruption. It demonstrates that most tephra deposited on mainland Europe was produced in the highly explosive Phase 1 and was carried there in 2–3 days.

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The long term response of ancient societies to climate change has been a matter of global debate. Until recently, the lack of integrative studies between archaeological, palaeoecological, and palaeoclimatological data had prevented an evaluation of the relationship between climate change, distinct subsistence strategies, and cultural transformations across the largest rainforest of the world, Amazonia. Here, we review the most relevant cultural changes seen in the archaeological record of six different regions within Greater Amazonia during late pre-Columbian times. We compare the chronology of those cultural transitions with high-resolution regional palaeoclimate proxies, showing that, while some societies faced major reorganisation during periods of climate change, others were unaffected and even flourished. We propose that societies with intensive, specialised land-use systems were vulnerable to transient climate change. In contrast, land-use systems that relied primarily on polyculture agroforestry, resulting in the formation of enriched forests and fertile Amazonian Dark Earths in the long term, were more resilient to climate change.

The nature and scale of pre-Columbian land use and the consequences of the 1492 "Columbian Encounter" (CE) on Amazonia are among the more debated topics in New World archaeology and paleoecology. However, pre-Columbian human impact in Amazonian savannas remains poorly understood. Most paleoecological studies have been conducted in neotropical forest contexts. Of studies done in Amazonian savannas, none has the temporal resolution needed to detect changes induced by either climate or humans before and after A.D. 1492, and only a few closely integrate paleoecological and archaeological data. We report a highresolution 2,150-y paleoecological record from a French Guianan coastal savanna that forces reconsideration of how pre-Columbian savanna peoples practiced raised-field agriculture and how the CE impacted these societies and environments. Our combined pollen, phytolith, and charcoal analyses reveal unexpectedly low levels of biomass burning associated with pre-A.D. 1492 savanna raised-field agriculture and a sharp increase in fires following the arrival of Europeans. We show that pre-Columbian raised-field farmers limited burning to improve agricultural production, contrasting with extensive use of fire in pre-Columbian tropical forest and Central American savanna environments, as well as in present-day savannas. The charcoal record indicates that extensive fires in the seasonally flooded savannas of French Guiana are a post-Columbian phenomenon, postdating the collapse of indigenous populations. The discovery that pre-Columbian farmers practiced fire-free savanna management calls into question the widely held assumption that pre-Columbian Amazonian farmers pervasively used fire to manage and alter ecosystems and offers fresh perspectives on an emerging alternative approach to savanna land use and conservation that can help reduce carbon emissions.pre-Columbian agriculture | anthropogenic fire | indigenous fire practices | savanna ecology | tropical seasonal wetlands M ounting archaeological and paleoecological evidence indicates that societies of considerable size and complexity emerged in some regions of Amazonia and began to transform landscapes at an unprecedented scale during the late Holocene (1-4). Anthropogenic dark-earth soils associated with intensive agriculture developed along the bluffs of major rivers in forested areas of Amazonia and its periphery, and large expanses of previously uncultivated seasonally flooded savannas were reclaimed for intensive raised-field agricultural systems (5, 6).Many seasonally flooded tropical savannas of South and Central America, such as the coastal belt of the Guianas (7), the Mompos depression in Colombia (8), and the Beni in the Bolivian Amazon (9), were reclaimed into vast agricultural landscapes through the construction of raised fields by pre-Columbian farmers during the Late Holocene. Early European chronicles illustrate the practice of raised-field agriculture by the Otomac in Venezuela (10) and by the Tainos in Hispaniola (11), who constructed small mounds u...