In antiquity, the production of sea salt was one of the most important sources of salt. According to Pliny the Elder (NH 31.81), the most common way of obtaining salt was through marine salinae: facticii varia genera, volgaris plurimusque in salinis mari adfuso. There are plenty of textual references to marine salt evaporation ponds: Livy (1.33) reported that Ancus Marcius opened saltworks on the Tiber next to Ostia; Pliny (NH 31.84-87) mentioned a series of examples of such installations distributed throughout the Mediterranean, while Columella (Rust. 10.135) indicated the existence of saltworks at Pompeii, and Cassiodorus (Var. 12.24) spoke of those located near Venice. Passages in Rutilius Namatianus (De red. 475-90) and Manilius (Astr. 5.682-92) are also well known for their explanations of how ancient saltworks operated.
What is wrong with moving, analysing, and exhibiting an inert body of the past? Is it morally legitimate to manipulate the body or part of it that constituted the physiological essence of a subject with dignity? This chapter focuses, from a philosophical perspective, on analysing whether the notion of dignity can be applied to the human remains of a subject that no longer is. Ascribing dignity to dead bodies is problematic and needs conceptual clarifications in order to determine whether human corpses have certain moral status and should be protected or whether the notion of dignity should only be attributed to living persons. In this regard, as philosphers, we present a different notion of dignity from that used by Kant (1785) that it is commonly accepted when speaking about dignity, particularly since the Declaration of Human Rights (United Nations General Assembly 1948). In this chapter, the concepts "present dead" and "forgotten dead" are differentiated to justify that, even though the latter have not been object of special moral protection, they should be included under the concept of dignity. In addition, a notion of dignity grounded in the hermeneutical concept of understanding is presented to justify the role archaeology plays in providing a particular moral status to human remains and the material elements associated to them. 1 This paper falls within the Juan de la Cierva research programme IJCI-2014-19375 funded by the Ministerio de Ciencia y Competitividad of Spain. 2 This paper falls within the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia postdoctoral programme (SFRH/BPD/102407/2014) and of the research project HAR2015-64632-P, "Paisajes rurales antiguos del Noroeste peninsular: formas de dominación romana y explotación de recursos (CORUS)", financed by the Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación and directed from the Instituto de Historia (CCHS, CSIC).
We propose a theory of “egalitarianism” as an active historical factor in contexts which have been traditionally considered structurally hostile to it, such as complex agrarian societies. First, we review thoroughly the main anthropological and sociological contributions to resistance against hierarchization in agrarian social contexts (taking into account peasant studies and a segmentary lineage’s tradition). Specific emphasis is placed on the forms of organizing production. Then we go through the archaeological landscape of the Iberian Northwestern Iron Age in order to evidence the viability of “assertive egalitarianism” where control of resources was distributed among social segments (households and settlements). We will show a historical process that diverges from what occurs at that time in hierarchical regions. By combining two levels of archaeological analysis (regional and local) we will conclude that a large part of the Iberian Northwest was occupied, from the 8th up to 2nd centuries BC by egalitarian social formations – with social exploitation absent – whose anti-hierarchization structures only crumbled upon the presence of Rome from the 2nd century BC onwards.
La investigación mediante métodos de teledetección del territorio del campamento de Legio (León) ha llevado a identificar casi una veintena de recintos militares romanos. Una primera aproximación permite interpretarlos como campamentos para prácticas, dispuestos en una plataforma llana y bien nivelada, con un gran dominio visual sobre el valle del Bernesga, y organizados en torno a la vía romana que se dirigía hacia Asturica. Los recintos, algunos de ellos conservados parcialmente, presentan diferentes orientaciones pero todos ellos comparten la típica planta campamental rectangular con esquinas redondeadas. A la espera de avances en el trabajo de campo, todo parece indicar que se trata de recintos de época imperial para prácticas de castrametación. Se conocen varios conjuntos de este tipo en el Imperio, especialmente en las provincias septentrionales.
Resumen. Abordamos la definición del proceso de cambio que supone la dominación romana en el Noroeste y su evolución desde dos perspectivas combinadas: por una parte, los cambios que se documentan a escala local y regional y por otra los distintos modos de intervención de Roma en el Noroeste. Partimos de un enfoque centrado en la civitas, puesto que este es un concepto fundamental para entender estas dinámicas históricas, cuya interpretación restrictiva como "ciudad" ha limitado mucho los estudios en regiones como las que nos ocupa. Nos centraremos en tres casos de estudio que permiten mostrar la diversidad del fenómeno de la civitas en el Noroeste: Asturica Augusta, capital conventual, Tude y las civitates en torno a la via Nova. Con ello pretendemos contribuir al debate sobre el alcance y el contenido de la llamada "Romanización" en territorios del occidente del Imperio. Palabras clave: Alto Imperio; dominación; campesinado; ciudad antigua.[en] The formation and evolution of provincial society in Northwestern Hispania: Civitates and rural world Abstract. We focus on the transformation processes brought about by Roman domination in the Hispanic Northwest and its evolution from two combined perspectives: on the one hand, local and regional changes and, on the other, the different strategies followed by Rome in its dominion of the region. Our approach considers the civitas to be the basic mechanism for understanding these historical dynamics, despite the common misinterpretation of this concept as a city in the modern sense. We will use three varying examples to illustrate our statements: Asturica Augusta, conventual capital, Tude, and the civitates around the via Nova. In this way we will helpfully contribute to the debate regarding the 'Romanisation' of the territories in the Western Empire.
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