Women do not consider themselves to be part of the target group for preconception care. In some aspects, subjective norms around the process of becoming pregnant may conflict with the current practice of preconception care. Recommendations are provided.

Reproductive health has improved little in the last few decades. The Netherlands, particularly in large cities, has relatively high perinatal death rates compared with other European countries. Lack of improvement in reproductive outcomes despite improved quality of and better access to prenatal care strongly suggests that prenatal care alone is insufficient. We discuss how preconception care offers new strategies for improving reproductive health, how it usefully connects the life course of the affected individual and many health-care disciplines, and the benefits of combining a top-down policy structure and bottom-up organisation around caregivers. Given the likely benefits and cost savings calculated for The Netherlands, we conclude that failing to facilitate preconception care would reflect a breakdown of both professional and governmental responsibilities.

In most Western countries, information on prenatal screening for Down syndrome is provided in the first-trimester of pregnancy. The purpose of this study was to examine whether this information should additionally be provided before pregnancy to improve the informed decision-making process. In an empirical study, we obtained data from pregnant women with respect to their preferences regarding information on prenatal screening preconceptionally. Questionnaire data (n ¼ 510) showed that 55.7% of responding women considered participating in prenatal screening for Down syndrome before pregnancy. 28.0% of women possessed information on prenatal screening preconceptionally. 84.6% preferred not to receive information preconceptionally in retrospect. In an ethical analysis, we elaborated on these preferences by weighing pros and cons. We considered two arguments against the provision of information on prenatal screening preconceptionally: women's preference to receive information in a step-by-step manner, and the risk of providing a directive message. We identified three reasons supporting its provision preconceptionally: the likelihood of making an informed decision could, firstly, be increased by ''unchaining'' the initial information from possible subsequent decisions, and, secondly, by providing women sufficient time to deliberate. Thirdly, the probability of equal access to prenatal screening may increase. To conclude with, we propose to incorporate an information offer on prenatal screening for Down syndrome in preconception care consultations. By offering information, instead of providing information, prospective parents are enabled to either accept or decline the information, which respects both their right to know and their right not-to-know. Key words: information on prenatal screening; down syndrome; preconception care consultation; informed decision-making; medical ethics; right not-to-know INTRODUCTIONPreconception care is a set of primary interventions that identify and modify biomedical, behavioral, and social risks to a woman's health and future pregnancies [Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). National Center on Birth Defects and Developmental Disabilities, 2006] Preconception care aims to optimize the health of the future child and to improve maternal health 485 [Health Council of the Netherlands, 2007b]. Information on prenatal screening for Down syndrome is commonly provided after conception, during the first-trimester of pregnancy. Many Western countries have policies or recommendations for prenatal screening for Down syndrome, in which either women of advanced age are offered invasive diagnostic testing (chorionic villus sampling or amniocentesis), or in which women, irrespective of their age, are offered non-invasive risk-assessment tests in the firsttrimester of pregnancy (nuchal scan, often combined with maternal serum evaluation) [Boyd et al., 2008;EUROCAT, 2010]. The latter screening tests provide an individual risk estimate of carrying a child with Down syndrome, and may be foll...

This Clinical Opinion points to a potential conflict between the scarcity of evidence on paternal preconception risk factors for adverse pregnancy outcomes and the view that preconception care should be also directed at men. We argue that from an ethical perspective, responsible fatherhood starts already before conception, as long as the evidence increases on the benefits of paternal preconception lifestyle (modification). Our explorative study suggests that the strength of the evidence for paternal preconception lifestyle modification is important for men. We argue that 5 aspects together determine the moral responsibility of prospective fathers to modify their behavior: the strength of the evidence of the risk factor, the modifiability of the risk, the efforts necessary to eliminate or diminish the risk factor, the severity of harm, and the probability that harm will occur and that it will be prevented by modifying the risk factor. The case of paternal preconception smoking illustrates the analysis.

In the Netherlands fertility doctors increasingly formulate protocols, which oblige patients to quit their unhealthy lifestyle before they are admitted to IVF procedures. We argue that moral arguments could justify parenting protocols that concern all future parents. In the first part we argue that want-to-be parents have moral responsibilities towards their future children to prevent them from harm by diminishing or eliminating risk factors before as well as during the pregnancy. This is because of the future children's potential to become of a certain type, more specifically: a person that will be the want-to-be parents' child. Want-to-be parents intend to become pregnant and therefore have an additional moral reason to diminish the risks. Also, people who become pregnant unintentionally have the responsibility to prevent their children from harm, unless they become pregnant due to contraception failure. All people not wanting to become pregnant should use contraception methods carefully. In the second part of this paper we translate the want-to-be parents' responsibilities into practice. We distinguish four determinants of risk factors: modifiability, chance, severity and effort. We examine some evidence-based risk factors based on these variables and deduce levels of responsibility. In conclusion, formulating informal requirements for want-to-be parents is morally required and therefore also for want-to-be parents in need of medical assistance. The protocols developed by fertility doctors in the Netherlands could be seen as the precursor for a general, informal Parenting Protocol that could be developed on the basis of an extended and thoroughly debated risk-responsibility analysis.